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The causative-inchoative alternation (as we know it) might fall short

Crosslanguage systematicities and untapped data from Romance and Greek
  • M. Eugenia Mangialavori Rasia
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Abstract

This contribution challenges the claim that internal arguments are stable/constant arguments in the causative-inchoative alternation. It presents evidence that a third (external-argument-only) variant, produced by the standard combinatorial system, is possible (and systematic) in Romance and Greek. Free composition with a null causative v0 independent of the internal-argument-licensing head: explains all the hallmarks of monadic (intransitive) variants; correctly preserves event/argument structure correlation (no internal-argument-introducing head, no change-of-state event); uncovers crosslanguage contrasts concerning ±availability of cause(r) interpretation of sole arguments in equipollent derivations. My argument is supported by a parallel with non-Romance languages with comparable morphology (Greek). Such symmetries show a transparent morpho-semantic-syntactic correlation in the choice of argument frame, extending to other verb classes with transitivity alternation. Greek and Romance data support a (a) wider causative alternation with expected semantic/syntactic/morphological implications; (b) (missing) structural distinction among (in)transitivity alternations. Arguably, languages may differ in the availability of this option, showing at least two patterns of variation.

Abstract

This contribution challenges the claim that internal arguments are stable/constant arguments in the causative-inchoative alternation. It presents evidence that a third (external-argument-only) variant, produced by the standard combinatorial system, is possible (and systematic) in Romance and Greek. Free composition with a null causative v0 independent of the internal-argument-licensing head: explains all the hallmarks of monadic (intransitive) variants; correctly preserves event/argument structure correlation (no internal-argument-introducing head, no change-of-state event); uncovers crosslanguage contrasts concerning ±availability of cause(r) interpretation of sole arguments in equipollent derivations. My argument is supported by a parallel with non-Romance languages with comparable morphology (Greek). Such symmetries show a transparent morpho-semantic-syntactic correlation in the choice of argument frame, extending to other verb classes with transitivity alternation. Greek and Romance data support a (a) wider causative alternation with expected semantic/syntactic/morphological implications; (b) (missing) structural distinction among (in)transitivity alternations. Arguably, languages may differ in the availability of this option, showing at least two patterns of variation.

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