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EMA, endoscopic, ultrasound and acoustic study of two secondary articulations in Moroccan Arabic

Labial-velarisation vs. emphasis
  • Chakir Zeroual , John H. Esling and Philip Hoole
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Instrumental Studies in Arabic Phonetics
This chapter is in the book Instrumental Studies in Arabic Phonetics

Abstract

Based on three physiological experiments (electromagnetic articulography, endoscopy and ultrasound) carried out separately with two speakers, but with one subject in common, we demonstrate that the back articulation of the Moroccan Arabic emphatic stop consonants can be considered as pharyngealised, i.e. produced with a constriction in the oro-pharyngeal cavity. The emphatics /ṭ ḍ/1 are not velarised, and /ḍ/ has a slight degree of labialisation. MA geminate labials, generally considered as ‘labialised’, are clearly velarised in accord with phonological analyses by Heath (1987) and Elmedlaoui (1995), and not emphatic or pharyngealised as was predicted by Mitchell (1993). These labials are labial-velarised consonants since they are also slightly more labialised compared to their singleton cognates. We confirm that the labialisation observed in word initial clusters /#C1C2/, where /C1/ or /C2/ is a velar or uvular consonant, is associated with /C1/ even when this latter is coronal. Labialised dorsals (velars and uvulars: /kw, ɡw, qw, χw, ʁw/) are not only labialised, but also more retracted than their non-labialised counterparts.

Abstract

Based on three physiological experiments (electromagnetic articulography, endoscopy and ultrasound) carried out separately with two speakers, but with one subject in common, we demonstrate that the back articulation of the Moroccan Arabic emphatic stop consonants can be considered as pharyngealised, i.e. produced with a constriction in the oro-pharyngeal cavity. The emphatics /ṭ ḍ/1 are not velarised, and /ḍ/ has a slight degree of labialisation. MA geminate labials, generally considered as ‘labialised’, are clearly velarised in accord with phonological analyses by Heath (1987) and Elmedlaoui (1995), and not emphatic or pharyngealised as was predicted by Mitchell (1993). These labials are labial-velarised consonants since they are also slightly more labialised compared to their singleton cognates. We confirm that the labialisation observed in word initial clusters /#C1C2/, where /C1/ or /C2/ is a velar or uvular consonant, is associated with /C1/ even when this latter is coronal. Labialised dorsals (velars and uvulars: /kw, ɡw, qw, χw, ʁw/) are not only labialised, but also more retracted than their non-labialised counterparts.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Acknowledgements vii
  4. List of contributors ix
  5. Transliteration and transcription symbols for Arabic xi
  6. Introduction 1
  7. Part I. Issues in syntagmatic structure
  8. Preliminary study of Moroccan Arabic word-initial consonant clusters and syllabification using electromagnetic articulography 29
  9. An acoustic phonetic study of quantity and quantity complementarity in Swedish and Iraqi Arabic 47
  10. Assimilation of /l/ to /r/ in Syrian Arabic 63
  11. Part II. Guttural consonants
  12. A study of the laryngeal and pharyngeal consonants in Jordanian Arabic using nasoendoscopy, videofluoroscopy and spectrography 101
  13. A phonetic study of guttural laryngeals in Palestinian Arabic using laryngoscopic and acoustic analysis 129
  14. Airflow and acoustic modelling of pharyngeal and uvular consonants in Moroccan Arabic 141
  15. Part III. Emphasis and coronal consonants
  16. Nasoendoscopic, videofluoroscopic and acoustic study of plain and emphatic coronals in Jordanian Arabic 165
  17. Acoustic and electromagnetic articulographic study of pharyngealisation 193
  18. Investigating the emphatic feature in Iraqi Arabic 217
  19. Glottalisation and neutralisation in Yemeni Arabic and Mehri 235
  20. The phonetics of localising uvularisation in Ammani-Jordanian Arabic 257
  21. EMA, endoscopic, ultrasound and acoustic study of two secondary articulations in Moroccan Arabic 277
  22. Part IV. Intonation and acquisition
  23. Acoustic cues to focus and givenness in Egyptian Arabic 301
  24. Acquisition of Lebanese Arabic and Yorkshire English /l/ by bilingual and monolingual children 325
  25. Appendix 355
  26. Index 359
https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.319.13zer

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Acknowledgements vii
  4. List of contributors ix
  5. Transliteration and transcription symbols for Arabic xi
  6. Introduction 1
  7. Part I. Issues in syntagmatic structure
  8. Preliminary study of Moroccan Arabic word-initial consonant clusters and syllabification using electromagnetic articulography 29
  9. An acoustic phonetic study of quantity and quantity complementarity in Swedish and Iraqi Arabic 47
  10. Assimilation of /l/ to /r/ in Syrian Arabic 63
  11. Part II. Guttural consonants
  12. A study of the laryngeal and pharyngeal consonants in Jordanian Arabic using nasoendoscopy, videofluoroscopy and spectrography 101
  13. A phonetic study of guttural laryngeals in Palestinian Arabic using laryngoscopic and acoustic analysis 129
  14. Airflow and acoustic modelling of pharyngeal and uvular consonants in Moroccan Arabic 141
  15. Part III. Emphasis and coronal consonants
  16. Nasoendoscopic, videofluoroscopic and acoustic study of plain and emphatic coronals in Jordanian Arabic 165
  17. Acoustic and electromagnetic articulographic study of pharyngealisation 193
  18. Investigating the emphatic feature in Iraqi Arabic 217
  19. Glottalisation and neutralisation in Yemeni Arabic and Mehri 235
  20. The phonetics of localising uvularisation in Ammani-Jordanian Arabic 257
  21. EMA, endoscopic, ultrasound and acoustic study of two secondary articulations in Moroccan Arabic 277
  22. Part IV. Intonation and acquisition
  23. Acoustic cues to focus and givenness in Egyptian Arabic 301
  24. Acquisition of Lebanese Arabic and Yorkshire English /l/ by bilingual and monolingual children 325
  25. Appendix 355
  26. Index 359
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