The syntax-prosody interface and sentential complementation in Hungarian
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Shinichiro Ishihara
Abstract
This paper discusses the experimental results and theoretical implications of our investigations of syntax–prosody mapping in Hungarian sentential embedding constructions. In experiments controlled for potential effects of factivity, contextual givenness and contrastive focus, we tested the predictions of competing theories seeking to identify the property yielding diverging syntactic and semantic effects in object clauses. Our findings suggest that factivity does not have a direct syntactic and hence prosodic correlate, contra e.g. Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970), and these findings are compatible with an alternative analysis proposed by de Cuba & Ürögdi (2009) claiming that factivity is irrelevant for syntax, and clauses are differentiated by ‘referentiality’. We found givenness effects with all embedded clauses (factive and non-factive, ‘referential’ and ‘non-referential’), evidence that givenness is independent of these factors.
Abstract
This paper discusses the experimental results and theoretical implications of our investigations of syntax–prosody mapping in Hungarian sentential embedding constructions. In experiments controlled for potential effects of factivity, contextual givenness and contrastive focus, we tested the predictions of competing theories seeking to identify the property yielding diverging syntactic and semantic effects in object clauses. Our findings suggest that factivity does not have a direct syntactic and hence prosodic correlate, contra e.g. Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970), and these findings are compatible with an alternative analysis proposed by de Cuba & Ürögdi (2009) claiming that factivity is irrelevant for syntax, and clauses are differentiated by ‘referentiality’. We found givenness effects with all embedded clauses (factive and non-factive, ‘referential’ and ‘non-referential’), evidence that givenness is independent of these factors.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Hungarian external causatives: Monoclausal but bi-eventive 1
- (The non-existence of) secondary stress in Hungarian 39
- The syntax-prosody interface and sentential complementation in Hungarian 63
- On a type of counterfactual construction 85
- Result states in Hungarian 109
- Paradigmatic variation in Hungarian 135
- An interface account of identificational focus movement 163
- Non-referential readings of null subjects in Hungarian 209
- Name index 239
- Term index 241
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Hungarian external causatives: Monoclausal but bi-eventive 1
- (The non-existence of) secondary stress in Hungarian 39
- The syntax-prosody interface and sentential complementation in Hungarian 63
- On a type of counterfactual construction 85
- Result states in Hungarian 109
- Paradigmatic variation in Hungarian 135
- An interface account of identificational focus movement 163
- Non-referential readings of null subjects in Hungarian 209
- Name index 239
- Term index 241
