Hungarian external causatives: Monoclausal but bi-eventive
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Huba Bartos
Abstract
In two recent papers, Horváth & Siloni (H&S, 2010; to appear) argue for a lexical treatment of Hungarian external (-tAt) causatives, as well as against the viability of any non-lexical treatment in general. Here I take issue with them on their conclusion, as well as their argumentation, to show that (i) several of their arguments are empirically unfounded, therefore (ii) their general conclusion is unwarranted, and in fact, (iii) the data do allow for a radically non-lexical treatment, the essentials of which are spelt out in the last part of the paper, although the primary aim here is just to show that H&S's analysis of Hungarian causatives is not the only viable one, and not superior to a syntax-based account, either.
Abstract
In two recent papers, Horváth & Siloni (H&S, 2010; to appear) argue for a lexical treatment of Hungarian external (-tAt) causatives, as well as against the viability of any non-lexical treatment in general. Here I take issue with them on their conclusion, as well as their argumentation, to show that (i) several of their arguments are empirically unfounded, therefore (ii) their general conclusion is unwarranted, and in fact, (iii) the data do allow for a radically non-lexical treatment, the essentials of which are spelt out in the last part of the paper, although the primary aim here is just to show that H&S's analysis of Hungarian causatives is not the only viable one, and not superior to a syntax-based account, either.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Hungarian external causatives: Monoclausal but bi-eventive 1
- (The non-existence of) secondary stress in Hungarian 39
- The syntax-prosody interface and sentential complementation in Hungarian 63
- On a type of counterfactual construction 85
- Result states in Hungarian 109
- Paradigmatic variation in Hungarian 135
- An interface account of identificational focus movement 163
- Non-referential readings of null subjects in Hungarian 209
- Name index 239
- Term index 241
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Hungarian external causatives: Monoclausal but bi-eventive 1
- (The non-existence of) secondary stress in Hungarian 39
- The syntax-prosody interface and sentential complementation in Hungarian 63
- On a type of counterfactual construction 85
- Result states in Hungarian 109
- Paradigmatic variation in Hungarian 135
- An interface account of identificational focus movement 163
- Non-referential readings of null subjects in Hungarian 209
- Name index 239
- Term index 241
