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Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis

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Abstract

The acoustic properties associated with prominence (e.g. duration, F0) may also serve for “phonemic” contrasts. The question is thus how speakers correctly interpret these properties. We address this question in terms of an extension of the Functional Load Hypothesis (FLH): given that vowel length is contrastive in Hungarian, the FLH predicts that duration will not be the main cue to prominence (i.e. stress or focus). Based on a large, systematically collected corpus, we demonstrate that this is, in fact, the case; the main cue for both is pitch (F0), though its characteristics are different in the two cases. We also demonstrate that the vowel duration contrast is still present in the synchronic structure of Hungarian.

Abstract

The acoustic properties associated with prominence (e.g. duration, F0) may also serve for “phonemic” contrasts. The question is thus how speakers correctly interpret these properties. We address this question in terms of an extension of the Functional Load Hypothesis (FLH): given that vowel length is contrastive in Hungarian, the FLH predicts that duration will not be the main cue to prominence (i.e. stress or focus). Based on a large, systematically collected corpus, we demonstrate that this is, in fact, the case; the main cue for both is pitch (F0), though its characteristics are different in the two cases. We also demonstrate that the vowel duration contrast is still present in the synchronic structure of Hungarian.

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction 1
  4. Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head 5
  5. Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms 37
  6. Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? 65
  7. Word order variation in Hungarian PPs 95
  8. The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases 121
  9. Abstractness or complexity? 147
  10. Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian 167
  11. Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants 187
  12. The Predicationality Hypothesis 209
  13. Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian 245
  14. Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis 267
  15. Index 293
Approaches to Hungarian
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Approaches to Hungarian
https://doi.org/10.1075/atoh.14.11vog

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction 1
  4. Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head 5
  5. Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms 37
  6. Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? 65
  7. Word order variation in Hungarian PPs 95
  8. The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases 121
  9. Abstractness or complexity? 147
  10. Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian 167
  11. Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants 187
  12. The Predicationality Hypothesis 209
  13. Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian 245
  14. Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis 267
  15. Index 293
Heruntergeladen am 25.4.2026 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/atoh.14.11vog/html?lang=de
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