Volume 68, Issue 4

Two phonemes that may induce minimal pairs constitute a phonemic contrast. Some phonemic contrasts may disappear for various reasons, which, nevertheless, does not seem to seriously impede linguistic communication. Does it mean that the disappeared phonemic contrasts are unimportant? In our study, we calculated the proportions (here termed degree of contrast) of minimal pairs to the words in which the two contrastive phonemes occur and explored the role of phonemic contrasts in the phonemic combinations. The degree of contrast of phonemes reflects the relation between phonemes. Our results indicate that (1) the average degree of contrast of Chinese phonemes declines exponentially with the increase in the number of syllables, rapidly approaching zero; (2) the average degree of contrast of Chinese consonants that differ from each other in only one distinctive feature and of the consonants that are absent in some Chinese dialects is significantly higher than that of other consonants; (3) the degree of contrast of Chinese consonants that differ from each other in only one distinctive feature is not significantly different from that of the consonants absent in some Chinese dialects; (4) Chinese phonemic combinations exhibit high degree of sparsity, which increases exponentially with the number of syllables and rapidly approaches 1. All these results show that the high degree of sparsity and the low degree of contrast of human languages not only leave enough room for new words, new dialects and new languages to appear but also contribute to effective and reliable communication, because a few phonemic mistakes are not likely to cause wrong decoding (sound recognition) and failed communication.

The purpose of this paper is to offer acoustic evidence for an unusual phonemic contrast in Rome Italian. In our corpus, about half of all tokens of intervocalic /p t k/ are realized with uninterrupted voicing (both word-internally and across word boundaries). Furthermore, the voiced realizations of /t/ and /k/ do not significantly differ from /d/ and /g/ in duration and/or degree of constriction (as acoustically determined). Phonemic contrast is maintained under substantial phonetic overlap. Regarding the labials, duration keeps /p/ and /b/ apart. Contrary to the universal tendency, it is /b/ that is considerably longer, due to complex diachronic facts.

The present research examines the impact of listeners’ own rate of speech production on their perception of speech rate. We recorded 28 native French speakers reading a passage at normal, fast and slow rates. The same speakers then assessed the rate of production of these samples by all speakers and at all rates (normal, fast and slow), using a magnitude estimation task. We show that there is an inverse relationship between listeners’ own rate of production and their judgment of rate, so that listeners with slower rates tend to overestimate sample rates relative to faster speakers. This effect of listeners’ own rate was present in the magnitude estimation results at slow and normal rates, but not at fast rates. Furthermore, listeners with a slow rate are more sensitive to rate differences within a given rate category (normal, fast and slow). The listener’s own rate should therefore be considered as a critical factor in speech rate perception.

Two previous experiments demonstrated that f0 and duration are interdependent in the perception of rhythmic groups in speech and sentence rhythmicality, and that the relative weighting of tonal and durational cues depends on listeners’ native language. The listeners were native speakers of Swiss German, Swiss French, or Metropolitan French (i.e. from France). The experiment reported here investigates a means of applying this perceptual finding to production data from these three languages, to make a rhythm metric, the Pairwise Variability Index (PVI), perceptually informed. The relative weighting that an appropriate duration and an appropriate f0 contributed to listeners’ rhythmicality judgements is calculated, and these language-specific weighting values are incorporated into combined durational- tonal PVIs, to quantify rhythm in the three languages. The results demonstrate that Swiss German and Swiss/Metropolitan French are distinct according to classic durational PVIs, but more similar according to PVIs which are acoustically multidimensional and language-specifically weighted. It is concluded that rhythm produced by speakers, when quantified to account for the acoustic multidimensionality and language-specificity of rhythm perceived by listeners, may be less cross-linguistically divergent than durational rhythm metrics suggest. An evaluation of these language-specifically weighted PVIs concludes that if rhythm metrics remain in use, they should link rhythm perception with rhythm production.