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Resisting Wirkungsgeschichte: Bible Translators as Agents of Reception

  • Richard Pleijel ORCID logo EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: March 21, 2025

Abstract

This article investigates the relationship between translation and reception by focusing on Bible translators as “agents of reception.” Translators exercise their agency in relation to the previous effective history (Wirkungsgeschichte) of the biblical texts, which they can either affirm or resist. The outcome of their work is a specific textual representation of the biblical texts, thereby guiding the way most readers receive ‘the Bible.’ In this sense, translators have a large potential power when it comes to affirming or altering existing patterns of reception. As a case study I focus on two contemporary Swedish translations of the Old Testament (Hebrew Bible). The first one, Bibel 2000, was carried out by a team of translators working from the assumptions of ‘secular’ academic biblical criticism, whereas the other, Svenska Folkbibeln, was initiated as a ‘protest’ bible targeted against the methodological atheism or agnosticism of the first translation. These outsets impacted how the two teams related to interpretations associated with Christian (and to a lesser extent Jewish) effective history of the biblical texts. I investigate how this played out in how the translators rendered certain passages in Genesis – both with respect to the main text (the translated text) and to various paratextual materials produced by the two translator teams. I argue that both teams resisted the effective history of the biblical texts, but in two quite different ways: the team of the conservative ‘protest’ translation resisted effective history on a discursive level, arguing that interpretations associated with Christian effective history were an inherent feature of the biblical texts themselves; while the translators of Bibel 2000 resisted it on a practical level, refusing to let specific effective-historical interpretations play out in their translated texts.

1 Introduction

In contemporary studies on biblical reception, the biblical texts tend to take on a curious form of personification. The texts are said to have an “afterlife” (Seidman 2010; Sherwood 2000), a “career” (Gray 2016), or a “history” (Breed 2015). Such language implies that the biblical texts somehow lead a life on their own. With reference to Walter Benjamin, Hendel (2010: 6) thus argues that through “its incessant variety of transformation,” the biblical text “becomes a historical agent.” Cadwallader (2018: 136) similarly claims that biblical translations “become revealed as agents serving particular interests and confirming particular views.” Even with reference to the different human agents involved in the production and dissemination of versions of the biblical texts, Davies (1995: 69) cannot help but say that “Bibles have a history.”

In such parlance, the texts are turned into agents who themselves govern how they will be received and interpreted. In my view, this way of characterizing reception is highly problematic since it veils the different human agents involved in the reception of the biblical texts. This is not to say that studies on biblical reception have not included or focused on human agents – the recent volume The Nordic Bible (Bjelland Kartzow, Larsen, and Lehtipuu 2023) is an excellent example – but the above way of discussing reception still largely persists. As Malley (2009: 194) notes, however, if the Bible has been and continues to be an influential set of texts, culturally and theologically, it is due to “the people who read and interpret the Bible.” And the extent of this influence, in turn, depends on “the result of deliberate acts by translators” (Malley 2009: 194). At some point, someone – a translator or a team of translators – produced a version of the biblical texts and provided other people with this version. Such a version or translation is the only way in which the overwhelming majority of people will ever access ‘the Bible,’ out of the simple fact that only a highly restricted number of biblical scholars or experts in religious communities can access the biblical texts in their original languages. Therefore, if the Bible continues to be influential, it is primarily as a translated bible (Dube 2024).

In the present article, I will not focus on readers of translated bibles, but rather on those who produce these translated bibles, namely translators. More specifically, I will investigate the different ways in which translators function as what I term “agents of reception.” By this term I wish to point to the fact that translators are actively shaping the tangible textual forms whereby readers gain access to, and thereby receive, ‘the Bible.’ The specific choices that translators make result in specific textual representations of the biblical texts. Even before readers can engage with biblical texts and exercise their agency (see Bjelland Kartzow, Larsen, and Lehtipuu 2023: 10), their possibilities of doing this have therefore been circumscribed by the texts with which translators have provided them. In this way, translators have the power to alter old patterns of reception and create new ones (see Tahir Gürçağlar 2008: 153, 197). In exercising their agency, however, Bible translators inevitably find themselves confronted by the fact that the biblical texts have been the object of interpretation and translation for thousands of years. In the article, I therefore also discuss how biblical translators exercise their agency in relation to the previous effective history (Wirkungsgeschichte) of the biblical texts, and how this constrains the agency of translators – but also how translators employ different strategies in order to make resistance to certain interpretations connected with the effective history of the biblical texts.[1]

The two translations I investigate in this article are biblical translations into Swedish, Bibel 2000 (published in 1999/2001) and Svenska Folkbibeln (1998/2015, hereafter: Folkbibeln). I will focus on the Old Testament (Hebrew Bible) part of these translations.[2] The first translation (Bibel 2000) was commissioned by the Swedish Government in 1972, being carried out by a number of researchers aligned with historical-critical biblical scholarship. The second translation was carried out as a ‘protest’ version, whose translators sought to resist the ‘secular’ foundations of the governmental Bible and the kind of historical-critical scholarship represented by its translators (Pleijel 2022b). In this, the two translations are part of a larger phenomenon: that of biblical translations yielding competing versions – either theologically conservative translations who refute ‘liberal’ and ‘secular’ versions, or the other way around – whereby translators as human agents compete about what version of the Bible the general public should gain access to.[3] Therefore, the analysis in this article illustrates a more general, widespread phenomenon, beyond the specific case study of the two translations analyzed in the article.

The translations are presented more closely in Section 3 (below). In what follows (Section 2), I will introduce the rationale for the article, which rests on a discussion of the agency of Bible translators in relation to the connection between the effective history of the biblical texts and contemporary reception of ‘the Bible.’ Having presented the translations, Section 4 features an investigation of a select number of passages in Genesis and how the translators of the two respective translators have rendered these passages and framed them paratextually. A general discussion, where I point out the differences but also some surprising similarities between the translations, concludes the article.

2 Translations, Translators, and Effective History (Wirkungsgeschichte)

In the academic endeavor of biblical reception studies, translation continues to this day to be an understudied subject (Bjelland Kartzow and Neutel 2023: 163). Whereas it has been acknowledged that specific biblical translations can have an impact on the reception of biblical motifs and characters (Gray 2016: 412–14), or that diverging interpretations of the same biblical passage depend on different translations (Kessler 2004: 9), the issue has not been the object of more systematic reflection. However, the fact that most people do not encounter the biblical texts in Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek, but precisely as translated texts, should indicate the central role that biblical translation does have in actual reception of ‘the Bible’ – if not in biblical reception studies. Furthermore, as Rogerson has contended, readers will be “at the mercy, so to speak, of whatever theology or translation principle has driven the one version that they have” (2002: 30). To my mind, even more accurate would have been to speak of whatever theology or translation principle has driven the translators that have produced a particular version, which readers then access. Pursuing this line of thought, in what follows I will turn the attention to translators specifically. I start more broadly within the Translation Studies subdiscipline of Translation Sociology in order to suggest some perspectives on how to understand agency among Bible translators, and specifically how translators exercise their agency in relation to the effective history of the biblical texts.

Translation Sociology developed as a branch of Translation Studies in the wake of the cultural turn in the 1990s and the subsequent social turn in the early 2000s (see Snell-Hornby 2006). As an outcome of these turns, scholarly interest moved beyond seeing translation as something purely textual, as a search for linguistic ‘equivalence,’ to seeing translation as a social practice performed by agents embedded in various cultural and political contexts. A key concept of exploration in Translation Sociology has consequently been that of agency. As put by Paloposki (2010: 88), researchers interested in the agency of translators focus “on the significance of the people behind the texts.” By Koskinen and Kinnunen (2010: 6), agency has been defined as the “willingness and ability to act.” To use one’s agency as a translator is to take an active stance, which sometimes includes making resistance (Ramakrishnan 2009). Arguing for resistance as primarily a political act, Venuti (1995) suggests that translators can exercise resistance by choosing translation strategies which do not comply with the dominant literary or linguistic norms of a particular cultural system. The notion of resistance implies that the translator confronts “a specific powerful opponent that exerts force in particular ways” (Tymoczko 2007: 210). Such an opponent can be another human agent, but also a system or – as in the present article – an informal institution, a set of religious or scholarly beliefs. Agency is always to some extent collective, in the sense that it is exercised in a societal context (Koskinen and Kinnunen 2010: 7). However, it can also be more readily collective, as is arguably the case with the translators I study in the present article: Both translations – Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln – were produced not by one individual translator but by translator teams, where a kind of “we-mode translating” was taking place (Pleijel 2021: 324).

The societal context of agency mentioned by Kinnunen and Koskinen can comprise multiple factors. For Bible translators, one important factor consists of previous translations of the biblical texts, with the interpretations that have informed them and which are hence also put forward by them. Translators inevitably need to choose how to relate to this fact. Simon (1996: 106) therefore contends that “[e]ach new translation is necessarily a confirmation of, or a confrontation with, a pre-existing version.” In other words, translators may affirm or denounce the interpretations of previous translations, but they cannot overlook them (see Porter 1999). In the context of producing specifically Christian bibles, many translators display a reverence towards interpretations associated with Christian tradition and thus with previous Christian translations. Overtly Christian translations should certainly be acknowledged as a consequence or outcome of translators’ agency – especially after historical-critical scholarship began to challenge the formerly dominant religious mode of interpretation and influence biblical translation (see Thuesen 1999). Put differently, when ‘secular’ scholarship started to impact biblical translation more extensively, certain translators – with the institutions or patrons that supported them – experienced the emergence of a ‘powerful opponent’ which needed to be resisted.

That many contemporary biblical translations continue to be marked by Christian theology should come as no surprise and has been well studied (Beckmann 2020; Orlinsky 1990; Porter 1999), but their counterparts, the many ‘secular’ translations in existence today, have not been the object of much study. Such translations should equally be understood as an outcome of the work of translators exercising agency, for example by making resistance to certain interpretations connected with the religious – Christian or Jewish – effective history of the biblical texts. That these scholarly, ‘secular’ translations have not been the object of much attention possibly stems from the fact that explicitly Christian translations seem to be such flagrant examples of ideological intervention into the biblical texts, while the still lingering notion of historical-critical scholarship as detached and disinterested (see Moore and Sherwood 2011) means that translations aligned with these perspectives are understood as somehow less ideological. This may also be an outcome of the fact that historical-critical scholarship is often defined not by a common vision of what it strives after, but by a vision of what it at one point in time – in most accounts the Enlightenment – left behind, namely Christian and Jewish interpretive tradition (e.g., Spieckermann 2012). Ronald Hendel thus representatively says that modern biblical criticism “disrupts the unquestioned habits of Christian faith” (quoted in Breed 2020: 220). As I will show, this was clearly a vision that one of the two translator teams (Bibel 2000) sided with, and which led them to resist the traditional Christian effective history of the biblical texts, whereas the other team of translators (Folkbibeln) was indeed compelled by an urge to let Christian faith define their translation project, and thus to resist secular scholarship. The comparative perspective, where these two translations are understood and studied in relation to each other, makes it possible to investigate the particular interests at play in both of them – the conservative Christian as well as the ‘secular’ one. It will thereby be possible to uncover the interestedness of disinterestedness.

3 Two Translations: Outlining the Case Study

In what follows, I present more closely the two translations studied in this article. Thereafter, I outline the comparative study of the translations in the article. I then outline the rationale for studying both main text and paratext of the respective translations with respect to a select number of biblical texts from the book of Genesis.

3.1 Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln

In 1972, the Social Democratic church minister Alva Myrdal appointed a committee with the task of translating the New Testament into Swedish. Since the 1930s, several initiatives had been undertaken in the General Church Synod – the annual conference of the state Church of Sweden – towards a new translation, but the initiative that finally managed to bring about a new translation was launched in 1961 by a member of the Riksdag (Parliament). The matter was carefully investigated during a decade-long period before the actual work with the translation could begin. The committee, which was officially named Bibelkommissionen[4] (“the Bible Commission”), was set up with a translator team for the New Testament in 1972. In 1975, the task of the commission was expanded, and a team for translating the Old Testament was formed (for a background, see Pleijel 2022a: 61–62). The Swedish system with governmental committees relied heavily on academic expertise, and experts were often picked from state universities to serve on the committees (see Petersson 2016). This was also the case with the Bible Commission, which included a number of biblical scholars who were supposed to serve both as “source language experts” and as translators. As scholars, they largely worked within the historical-critical paradigm, which was still in the 1970s the dominant mode of interpretation in biblical studies in Western academia (Aichele et al. 2009: 387; for the Swedish context, see Hartman 1976). A guiding principle for the translation under production was therefore also methodological naturalism, which the scholars-translators considered a natural and vital part of historical-critical scholarship (e.g., Albrektson and Ringgren 1979: 123). Another and related aspect of historical-critical scholarship was the assumption that meaning is linked to the original historical context of the biblical texts (see Satlow 2020: 55). This delimited the translation under production from meanings associated with the effective history of the biblical texts, since these meanings derived from historical periods that postdated those in which the biblical texts originally came into being.

In 1981, the governmental committee finalized and published its translation of the New Testament. The publication aroused a great deal of interest, sold a large number of copies, and prompted critique – both positive and negative (Åsberg 1983). Representatives from a number of Christian (mainly Lutheran and Reformed) denominations criticized the translation for being marred by “liberal theology,” which was connected to the influence of secular biblical criticism (see Pleijel 2022b: 288–290). Biblical criticism, in turn, was being associated with the “rationalism” and “naturalism” of the Enlightenment era with its supposed denial of transcendent reality (Erlandsson 2004; Swärd 2019). According to the critics, it was impossible that a translation characterized by such outsets could convey the true nature of the Bible as a sacred, divine scripture. The Bibel 2000 translators were therefore accused of having a different “perception of reality” compared to that of the Bible (Erlandsson 2004: 9). As a result of the critique, an association was formed in 1983 to produce an alternative translation (Pleijel 2022b: 289). It would be based not on secular scholarship but on “what the Bible teaches about itself” (Bergling 2019: 31), namely that it is a divine scripture which ultimately owes its existence to the transcendent reality of which it speaks (i.e., God). This translation, Svenska Folkbibeln (“the Swedish People’s Bible”), was published in 1998, while the full translation of the governmental committee, Bibel 2000, was published one year later, in 1999. In 2015, a revised edition of the Folkbibeln translation was published.[5] The translation has turned into the second most sold and read Swedish biblical translation after the governmental Bibel 2000.

3.2 A Select Number of Texts from Genesis

Since my aim is to investigate translator agency in relation to the effective history of the biblical texts, I have chosen to focus on a limited number of biblical texts which have played a particularly prominent role in this effective history. I have therefore singled out four passages or pericopes from the book of Genesis. With Genesis as “the foundational text of the Bible” (Havrelock 2011: 11), it is no wonder that his book has been extraordinarily important in the effective history of the Bible. Therefore, a number of texts from Genesis will particularly well highlight how translators choose to relate to the previous effective history of the texts they are about to translate. I have chosen short excerpts from four well-known passages: The beginning of the first creation narrative (Gen 1:1–2), the “protoevangelium” (3:15), Abram and the blessing of the nations (12:3), and the binding of Isaac (22:2, 9, 18).

3.3 Studying the Paratextual “Footprints” of Translators

In the article, I will explore the translated texts themselves as well as different types of paratextual material relating to the two translations. The paratext forms an inevitable part of every physical (and digital) book, including different Bible editions. Paratextual elements – footnotes, blurbs, covers, titles, introductions – have emerged as an object of research in Translation Studies following the dissemination of Gérard Genette’s original work (Batchelor 2018). In what follows, I will primarily be interested in the footnotes of the respective editions. Footnotes can be more than a source of information. As Paloposki (2010) has argued, they constitute the “footprints” of translators, while Kaindl (2022) has suggested that footnotes point to “the translator as a person” (27). Through the footnotes, the “voice” of the translator becomes more readily discernible compared to the main text, in which the translator tends to be more invisible and subordinate to (the author of) the source text (Toledano Buendía 2013).[6] Methodologically, footnotes can therefore be used as a means of uncovering and understanding how translators have exercised their agency (Villanueva-Jordán and Martínez-Carrasco 2023). Footnotes are a type of paratextual material which Genette designated “peritextual,” being placed in direct connection with the “main” text of a book (Genette 1997: 4–5). In the following section (4), and especially in the concluding discussion (5), I also draw on “epitextual” material – advertising material, books, articles, pamphlets – produced by the two teams and relating to their translations, whereby the more general discourse of the translators can be assessed.

4 Translating Genesis

In the following, I will survey how the four select Genesis pericopes have been translated in Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln, including how they have been paratextually framed. All translations of text from Folkbibeln and Bibel 2000 into English are mine. The Swedish text is placed in italics below my English translations. I employ a simplified transliteration of Greek and Hebrew text according to the SBL Handbook of Style (2014).

4.1 Genesis 1:1–2

In the first verses of Genesis, we find the beginning of the first creation narrative. It has played a decisive role in Christian hermeneutics, with several New Testament texts placing Jesus at the beginning of the creation described in Genesis 1 (see Levine and Brettler 2020: 69–70). The most famous of these New Testament texts is arguably John 1, which “mimics” the Septuagint translation of the first verses of Genesis 1 (Giere 2009: 262, 272). The Christian tradition developed not only a Christological but also a Trinitarian interpretation of Genesis 1, which means that this passage was not only related to Jesus but also to the Holy Spirit. Thereby, as is well known, the phrase rûah elohim came to be traditionally interpreted and translated “Spirit of God” in Christian bibles (see Seidman 2010: 158; Orlinsky 1990: 123–126). As I will show, this interpretive tradition is an important point of contention between the translators of Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln.

4.1.1 Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln Translations with Footnotes

Bibel 2000 Folkbibeln
Gen 1:1 In the beginning God created heaven and earth. In the beginning God created heaven and earth.
I begynnelsen skapade Gud himmel och jord. I begynnelsen skapade Gud himmel och jord.
Footnote […] Or: “When God had begun to create heaven and earth – the earth was empty and desolate, the void was covered by darkness and a wind from God swept over the water – he said: [Let there be light!].” “In the beginning”: Alternative translation: ‘Through the Firstborn’ (Christ; cf. John 1:3; Col 1:16; Heb 1:2).”
Eller “När Gud började skapa himmel och jord – jorden var öde och tom, djupet täcktes av mörker och en gudsvind svepte fram över vattnet – sade Gud: [Ljus, bli till!].” “I begynnelsen”: Alternativ översättning: “Genom Förstlingen” (Kristus; jfr Joh 1:3, Kol 1:16, Hebr 1:2).
Gen 1:2 The earth was desolate and empty; the abyss was covered by darkness, and a wind from God sweeped over the water. The earth was desolate and empty, and darkness was over the abyss. And the Spirit of God hovered over the water.
Jorden var öde och tom, djupet täcktes av mörker och en gudsvind svepte fram över vattnet. Jorden var öde och tom, och mörker var över djupet. Och Guds Ande svävade över vattnet.
Footnote Other interpretation: “a violent wind.” The traditional translation “The spirit of God” is linguistically possible (Hebrew has the same word for “wind” and “spirit”), but is unlikely here […].
Annan tolkning “en våldsam vind”. Den traditionella översättningen “Guds ande” är också språkligt möjligt (hebreiskan har samma ord för “vind” och “ande”) men är här osannolik […].

Already in the second verse of Genesis, one can see how the translators of Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln have employed different strategies. The translators of Bibel 2000 render rûah elohim “a wind from God,” while the translators of Folkbibeln render it “the Spirit of God.” In the former case, the noun “wind” is in indefinite form; in the latter, “Spirit” is in definite form (thus, there is only one Spirit). The Folkbibeln translators have not only capitalized “God” but also “Spirit,” which produces a text that is easily aligned with traditional Christian interpretation.[7]

When it comes to the footnotes, the Bibel 2000 translators suggest that “the spirit of God” (spirit with lower-case s) is linguistically possible but “unlikely” in this specific context (the context being “the chaos before God’s act of creation,” with clear echoes from other Ancient Near East creation narratives). They hence use the paratextual space to resist the traditional Christian understanding of the verse. The Folkbibeln translators, on the other hand, choose not to comment on this verse at all. Apparently, the rendering “Spirit of God” is so self-evident that it does not merit any comment. What the Folkbibeln translators do add in their footnote, however, is a supplementary translation of the first two Hebrew words of v. 1, bereshit, which, it is argued, could be translated “Through the Firstborn.” This is substantiated with cross-references to John 1, Colossians 1, and Hebrews 1. In this way, the translators suggest that the Hebrew text refers to a specific person, namely Jesus.[8] Given that this person as a historical figure is situated in a context that postdates the Hebrew text with several hundred years, the interpretation put forward may be understood as a way for the translators to exhibit their agency and resist the historical-critical understanding, according to which the biblical texts should be related solely to their original historical context.

4.2 Genesis 3:15

In traditional Christian interpretation, Genesis 3:15 is known as the protoevangelium, “the first gospel.” In this narrative, the snake in the garden of Eden is told by YHWH that there will be enmity between the snake and the woman, and that the woman’s “offspring” or “seed” (zr’) will crush the serpent’s head. In Christian tradition, the verse came to be understood as a foretelling of how Jesus (the woman’s offspring) would eventually crush the serpent’s (Satan’s) head. As the Vulgate displays a feminine pronoun (ipsa conteret; “she shall crush”), the verse was also given a Mariological interpretation with Mary as the one who – through her offspring – would crush the serpent’s head (see Barth 2000).

4.2.1 Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln Translations with Footnotes

Bibel 2000 Folkbibeln
Gen 3:15 And I will incite enmity between you and the woman, between your seed and hers: they shall tread on your head and you will snatch their heel. And I will put enmity between you and the woman, and between your seed and her seed. He shall crush your head, and you will snatch his heel.
Jag skall väcka fiendskap mellan dig och kvinnan, mellan din avkomma och hennes: de skall trampa på ditt huvud och du skall hugga dem i hälen. Jag ska sätta fiendskap mellan dig och kvinnan och mellan din avkomma och hennes avkomma. Han ska krossa ditt huvud och du ska hugga honom i hälen.
Footnote In later, Christian tradition, the verse was interpreted as a prophetic statement about Mary (the woman) and Christ (the seed of the woman). Profecy about Christ, “born of woman” (Gal 4:4; Rev 12:5), and his victory over the serpent, i.e., the devil (Rev 12:9). See Heb 2:14; Col 2:15.
I senare, kristen tradition har versen lästs som en profetisk utsaga om Maria (kvinnan) och Kristus (kvinnans avkomma). Profetia om Kristus, “född av kvinna” (Gal 4:4, Upp 12:5) och hans seger över ormen, alltså djävulen (Upp 12:9). Jfr Hebr 2:14, Kol 2:15.

Comparing the two translations, one can begin by noting that the first half of the verse is virtually identically translated in both versions; it is in the second half of the verse that we find the differences. In Bibel 2000, the translators have chosen the plural pronoun “they” as a rendering of the Hebrew (with a corresponding “their [heel]” at the end of the verse). The Folkbibeln translators, on the other hand, have chosen the singular masculine pronoun “he,” in line with the Messianic understanding of the verse conveyed already by the Septuagint (see Martin 1965). One may note that the Bibel 2000 plural pronoun “they” rule out the possibility of interpreting the “seed” as referring to one single person (i.e., Jesus). In the footnotes, furthermore, the translators of the respective two translations have chosen to convey radically different interpretations of the verse to the reader. In the Bibel 2000 footnote, information is provided about the traditional Christian interpretation, but this is clearly framed as originating from a later stage compared to the source text’s original context. The differentiation between original context and later context indicates the ambition of the Bibel 2000 translators to stand in line with mainstream academic biblical scholarship, with its focus on the originally intended meaning of the source texts and their authors. The translators use the footnote as a means of “speaking” to the reader (Toledano Buendía 2013), informing him or her that the traditional Christian understanding does not belong to the original historical context of Genesis 3. Given that footnotes with a referential content often also assume a discursive status (Villanueva-Jordán and Martínez-Carrasco 2023: 243), the translators do not simply inform the reader about the difference between original and later context – they construct and maintain that difference. In Folkbibeln, on the other hand, a particular interpretive tradition, represented by the New Testament, is deployed by the translators for assessing the correct interpretation of Gen 3:15. Not only can this verse be interpreted as a “[p]rophecy about Christ” and “his victory over the serpent” (see the footnote) – this is, as explicated by one of the translators, the true meaning of the text (Erlandsson 2004: 17–19). In this way, the distance between original context and subsequent context(s) is collapsed. In the eyes of the Folkbibeln translators, there simply is no Wirkungsgeschichte in the sense of an interpretation which postdates the original historical context of Gen 3:15: the text always already was about Christ and his victory over the devil.

4.3 Genesis 12:3

In Genesis 12, YHWH instructs Abram to travel to the land of Canaan. YHWH promises Abram that his descendants will be numerous and that he and his descendants will be blessed. Genesis 12 eventually emerged as an important text in Jewish as well as Christian tradition (see Layton 2010: 144–145). In a Christian context, the text derives its importance mainly from Paul’s discussion in Galatians 3 (see Layton 2010: 148–149). Why was Abram (Abraham) blessed? This is the question underlying Paul’s discussion, and his answer is that the blessing was a consequence of Abraham’s faith or belief (Gal 3:8–9). Of central concern in the interpretation of the verse is the specific form of the Hebrew verb for “bless” (*brk) in Gen 12:3b (see Grüneberg 2003: 3). As we will see, the rendering of the verb was apparently an important concern also for the translators of Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln.

4.3.1 Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln Translations with Footnotes

Bibel 2000 Folkbibeln
Gen 12:3 I shall bless them that bless you, and I will curse him who defames you. And all the peoples of the earth will wish for the blessing which you have received. I shall bless them that bless you and curse them that curse you. In you, all the peoples of the earth shall be blessed.
Jag skall välsigna dem som välsignar dig, och den som smädar dig skall jag förbanna. Och alla folk på jorden skall önska sig den välsignelse som du har fått. Jag ska välsigna dem som välsignar dig och förbanna den som förbannar dig. I dig ska jordens alla släkten bli välsignade.
Footnote The rumor that Abram was blessed will spread, so that eventually all people will mention the name of Abram and wish for blessing as abundant as the one he once received. The statement is repeated in [Gen] 18:18; 22:18; 26:4; 28:14. An alternative interpretation, “all peoples on the earth shall be blessed through you,” is found in the Septuagint and has been adopted by the New Testament (Acts 3:25; Gal 3:8). Quoted by Paul in Gal 3:8 as a prophecy about the salvation through faith in Christ, the seed of Abraham (see Gen 22:18; 28:14).
Ryktet om att Abram blivit rikt välsignad av Herren skall nå så långt att alla folk kommer att nämna Abrams namn och önska sig lika stor välsignelse som han fått. Utsagan upprepas i 18:18; 22:18; 26:4; 28:14. En annan tolkning, “alla folk på jorden skall bli välsignade genom dig”, finns i Septuaginta och har övertagits av NT (Apg 3:25; Gal 3:8). Citeras av Paulus i Gal 3:8 som en profetia om frälsningen genom tron på Kristus, Abrahams avkomma (jfr 1 Mos 22:18, 28:14).

Once again, the translators of Folkbibeln have chosen a different path compared to those of Bibel 2000. The main difference lies in how they have understood the Hebrew niphal verb constructed on the root *brk. The Folkbibeln translators have interpreted the verb as a passive form, “shall be blessed.” All the peoples of the earth shall be blessed “in” Abraham. The meaning of this statement is explicated through the footnote reference to Gal 3:8, in which Paul quotes the Septuagint translation of Gen 12:3b containing the Greek passive “will be blessed in you” (eneulogēthēsontai en soi). The Pauline/Septuagint understanding thus both informs the choice of the Folkbibeln translators and is promoted by the specific textual form that is the outcome of their choice. In other words, through their choice, the translators not merely convey but also construct meaning.

By contrast, the Bibel 2000 translators question such a theologically motivated rendering of Gen 12:3b (e.g., Olofsson 2007: 145–151). Instead, they have opted for a reflexive understanding of the verb. The meaning of the statement is thus not made to refer to a blessing that will come about as a consequence of something associated with Abraham (either his belief or his offspring). Rather, the greatness of his blessing is such that future people will wish to have it. The Bibel 2000 translators defend their interpretation at some length in the footnote, in which they refer to the Septuagint and Pauline interpretation as an “alternative” one (i.e., when compared to that of the original source text context of the Hebrew Bible). Again, the translators of Folkbibeln refuse to make such a distinction between an original (Old Testament) and a later (New Testament) context. Criticizing the Bibel 2000 rendering of Gen 12:3b, one of the Folkbibeln translators therefore says that “[t]hose who take both the OT and the NT into consideration cannot avoid understanding this verse as a prophecy about Christ” (Erlandsson 2004: 18). On a general level, this clearly demonstrates a “determinative priority on the New Testament for rendering the Old Testament” (Porter 1999: 26). When the translators employ the New Testament interpretation, Gen 12:3 is turned into an Old Testament text, removing it from its original historical context. This, importantly, is not something that is merely happening as an outcome of certain historical (hermeneutical) developments, but actively invoked by the translators as agents. This is done both through the translated text itself and through the footnotes, as well as through other, external – or “epitextual” in Genette’s terminology – paratextual elements.

4.4 Genesis 22:2, 9, 18

As “one of the great stories of the Hebrew Bible” (Noort 2002: 2), Genesis 22 – the binding of Isaac – has been heavily commented on since antiquity and given multiple interpretations. The allusion to the text in Rom 8:32 and the foregrounding of Abraham as a role-model of faith in Hebrews 11 have been decisive for Christian interpretation of Genesis 22. Of note is the typological interpretation according to which the sacrifice of Jesus was foreshadowed by that of Isaac (Chilton 2012: 507). In fact, in the early days of the church, Christian hermeneutics established a double typology, with “Abraham as a type of the Christian and Isaac as a type of Christ” (Moberly 2000: 134).[9]

4.4.1 Bibel 2000 and Folkbibeln Translations with Footnotes[10]

Bibel 2000 Folkbibeln
Gen 22:2 God said: “Take your only son, whom you love, Isaac, and go to the land of Moriah and sacrifice him there as a burnt offering on a mountain that I will show you.” Then he [God] said: “Take your son, Isaac, your only son whom you love, and go to the land of Moriah and sacrifice him there as a burnt offering on a mountain that I will show you.”
Gud sade: “Ta din ende son, honom som du älskar, Isak, och gå till landet Moria och offra honom där som brännoffer på ett berg som jag skall visa dig.” Då sade han: “Ta din son Isak, din ende son som du älskar, och gå till Moria land och offra honom där som brännoffer på ett berg som jag ska visa dig.”
Footnote No land by the name of Moriah is known. Moriah appears in 2 Chron 3:1 as a name of the temple mountain in Jerusalem. “Only son”: Hebrew yachid is translated only-begotten in the New Testament (cf. Heb 11:17; John 3:16).
Något land med detta namn är annars inte känt. Moria förekommer i 2 Krön 3:1 som namn på tempelberget i Jerusalem. Hebr. jachíd översätts i NT med “enfödd” (jfr Hebr 11:17, Joh 3:16).
Gen 22:9 When they arrived at the place which God had instructed, Abraham built an altar. He placed the wood and bound his son Isaac, and placed him on the altar on top of the wood. When they arrived at the place which God had instructed Abraham, he built an altar there and arranged the wood. Then he bound his son Isaac and placed him on the altar on top of the wood.
När de kom fram till platsen som Gud hade talat om byggde Abraham ett altare. Han lade upp veden och band sedan sin son Isak och lade honom på altaret, ovanpå veden. När de kom fram till den plats som Gud hade sagt till Abraham, byggde han ett altare där och gjorde i ordning veden. Sedan band han sin son Isak och lade honom på altaret ovanpå veden.
Footnote Jewish tradition has emphasized that Isaac freely let himself be bound as a sacrifice to God. This is an archetype for how Christ, the son of Abraham (Matt 1:1), let himself be sacrificed on the cross (see John 10:18).
Judisk tradition har betonat att Isak frivilligt lät sig bindas som ett offer till Gud. Det är en förebild till hur Kristus, Abrahams son (Matt 1:1), lät sig offras på korset (jfr Joh 10:18).
Gen 22:18 And all peoples of the earth will wish for the blessing which your offspring have been given. This will happen since you obeyed me. Through your seed, the peoples of the earth shall be blessed, because you listened to my voice.
Och alla folk på jorden skall önska sig den välsignelse som dina ättlingar har fått. Detta skall ske därför att du lydde mig. I din avkomma ska jordens alla folk bli välsignade, därför att du lyssnade på min röst.
Footnote See the note to [Gen] 12:3. Here, the promise of salvation for all people (see [Gen] 12:3; Gal 3:8) is repeated. The verse is quoted as a prophecy about Christ by Peter in Acts 3:25 and by Paul in Gal 3:16.
Se not till 12:3. Här upprepas löftet om frälsning för alla folk (jfr 12:3, Gal 3:8). Versen citeras som profetia om Kristus av Petrus i Apg 3:25 och Paulus i Gal 3:16.

In these three verses of Genesis 22, it is primarily in the paratextual framing that we find the most substantial differences between the two translations. The Bibel 2000 translators have inserted a note on v. 2, informing the reader about the uncertainty of the location or identification of Moriah. The footnote to v. 18 refers the reader to the footnote to Gen 12:3, where the translators have defended their interpretation of Abraham’s blessing. No reference is made to traditional exegesis, either Christian or Jewish, possibly because this is simply not of interest from a historical-critical perspective. In other words, the Bibel 2000 footnote apparatus constitutes a place (see Kaindl 2022: 27) in which only a certain type of information can be located by the translators. This is intimately connected to which specific translator or translators that inhabit the paratextual place. Thus, translators working from the assumptions of historical-critical scholarship (like the Bibel 2000 translators) will craft a certain type of footnotes containing a particular type of information, while at the same time leaving out other types of information. The information which they leave out is the same kind of information that translators working from traditional, theological assumptions will include. Indeed, this is what we find in the Folkbibeln translation: the footnote to Gen 22:18 makes extensive reference to New Testament hermeneutics on this passage (in the footnotes to these three verses, 8 out of 7 references are to New Testament passages). The translators make a connection between “only son” in the Hebrew text and the assumed Greek equivalent monogenēs in Heb 11:17 and John 3:16. The only son of Abraham is thereby typologically made to refer to Jesus. This is explicated in the footnote to v. 9, where the translators say that Isaac’s willingness to let himself be bound as a sacrifice is “an archetype for how Christ, the son of Abraham (Matt 1:1), let himself be sacrificed on the cross.” The typological interpretation rests on the assumption that the New Testament reveals more fully the meaning of the Old Testament (see Collins 2010: 201), an interpretive feature that was assessed by one of the Folkbibeln translators already in connection to Gen 1:2 (see above). Finally, it is interesting to note that in the footnote to v. 9, the Folkbibeln translators make reference to “Jewish tradition” regarding Isaac’s willingness to offer himself freely (on this, see, e.g., García Martinez 2002: 53), but that this is done in order to substantiate the Christian typological reading.

5 Concluding Discussion: Agency, Resistance, and Wirkungsgeschichte

In the final section, I will discuss the results from the previous section on the four passages from Genesis. I will outline the most important differences between the translators, with a view to how the translators have used different textual and paratextual strategies in order to construct these differences. As the discussion unfolds, I will also note some surprising similarities between the two translations, similarities which, however, lie on different levels.

Through the discussion in the above section (4), it should have become apparent that the two translator teams take very different stances when it comes to traditional interpretations of the biblical texts. This seems to be confirmed by each of the pericopes discussed above, but even more so when they are taken together. It is thereby possible to observe how two distinctive positions are “progressively constructed through different textual and paratextual strategies” (Villanueva-Jordán and Martínez-Carrasco 2023: 236). By consistently and actively employing different strategies, the translators use their agency in order to construct two vastly different bibles: one non-confessional, historical-critical (Bibel 2000), and one Christian, effective-historical (Folkbibeln).

The Bibel 2000 translators clearly opt for renderings which are taken to reflect the original historical context of the biblical texts (in this case, the book of Genesis). This is done in clear affinity with academic biblical scholarship, which entails disregarding later understandings of the biblical texts. Traditional religious interpretations are either silently negated by not being included in the footnotes or categorized as later in relation to the original historical contexts of the biblical texts. In this way, the translators seek to “rescue” the Bible from the religious domestication of both church and synagogue (see Boer 2007, 2014). The translators put forward interpretations of the biblical texts which are aligned with a historical-critical understanding of the Bible, thereby resisting the Wirkungeschichte associated with religious traditions and systems of belief. The footnotes are not simply a place for conveying information to the reader, but something which the translators take advantage of to resist certain specific interpretations and construe other, more desirable interpretations of a given text. The translated text is hereby accorded with a “socially acceptable meaning” (Toledano Buendía 2013: 159) and can be aligned with the expectations of the scholarly community. Delimiting the biblical texts from later interpretations stands out as a key factor in producing a translation that can be acceptable in this sense. This must be done in active resistance to the religious Wirkungsgeschichte of the biblical texts, which despite the rise of historical criticism has continued to be a “powerful opponent that exerts force in particular ways” (Tymoczko 2007: 210). It is powerful precisely as Wirkungsgeschichte in the Gadamerian sense (see Knight 2010), continuing to shape the way readers – including translators and scholars – apprehend and interact with the biblical texts. Otherwise, there would have been no need for resistance in the first place. The paratextual strategies therefore constitute a subtle but forceful way for the Bibel 2000 translators to resist this powerful opponent.

The Folkbibeln translators, on the other hand, comply with the traditional Christian Wirkungsgeschichte of the biblical texts. At first glance, this seems perhaps to indicate that the translators do not exercise their agency to the same extent as the translators of Bibel 2000 translators – at least not if agency is connected to resistance. But in complying with the Wirkungsgeschichte, they are certainly making resistance to its perceived antipode: historical-critical, ‘secular’ biblical scholarship. This kind of resistance was, after all, one of the most important driving forces behind the initiatives toward the Folkbibeln translation in the early 1980s (see above, Section 3.1). An interesting detail in the Folkbibeln footnote to Gen 22:9 however suggests that the translators of this version to a certain extent did resist the traditional Wirkungsgeschichte, albeit in a different sense compared to the Bibel 2000 translators. In the Gen 22:9 footnote in Folkbibeln, it is stated that “Jewish tradition has emphasized that Isaac freely let himself be bound as a sacrifice to God” (my emphasis). Here, Jewish interpretation is explicitly referred to as tradition. Such language, on the other hand, is not employed when the translators refer to interpretations associated with Christian tradition. Consequently, one rarely finds terms such as “interpretation,” “exegesis” or “hermeneutics” in the paratextual material of Folkbibeln, or in the writings of its translators. At the very most, Old Testament passages in the New Testament are referred to as “quotations” (see the footnotes to Gen 12:3 and 22:18). In other words, meanings that most scholars would associate with, for example, the allegorical and typological interpretive tradition of Patristic exegesis are discursively constructed as being inherent in the biblical texts themselves. In this particular way, the Folkbibeln translators are indeed making resistance to the traditional Wirkungsgeschichte – if at an exclusively discursive level. For example, the interpretation of the verb *brk in Gen 12:3 in Folkbibeln clearly rests on the Septuagint and Pauline understanding, and not primarily on the meaning of the Hebrew text. And yet, the translators understand the Septuagint and Pauline interpretation (“shall be blessed”) to be identical with the original meaning of the Hebrew word in Gen 12:3. Hereby, a notion is constructed that this specific meaning has not come about on a historically later stage, as a consequence of how people interpreted the text, but rather constitutes an intrinsic part of the Old Testament text itself.

Finally, the fact that both translator teams oppose the effective history of the biblical texts, whether on a discursive or a practical level, does not mean that their work is taking place independently of it. Quite the opposite: it shows that their work is indeed conditioned by it (see Harding 2015: 41), and thus that their agency is circumscribed by the effective history of the biblical texts. In other words, effective history constitutes a tradition which the translators can “revise but not leave behind” (see Knight 2010: 144). Still, it is precisely through their possibilities of revising effective history that translators are indeed “agents of reception.” They are agents since they choose actively to relate to previous reception of the biblical texts, whether by affirming or denouncing it. They are agents because they govern the production of vernacular biblical texts and hence the way readers ‘receive’ the biblical texts. Translators hereby decide what kind of a Bible a given readership will ultimately receive. By exercising their agency – incessantly in relation to previous translations and interpretations – translators therefore have a potentially large impact on the very influence of the biblical texts on people and societies.


Corresponding author: Richard Pleijel, Associate Professor of Translation Studies, Institute for Interpreting and Translation Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden, E-mail:

Acknowledgments

This work was supported by the Swedish Research Council under Grant 2021–02108.

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Published Online: 2025-03-21
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