Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German
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Heiko Seeliger
Abstract
This paper investigates a class of biased questions with declarative syntax in Swedish and German that differ in their bias from the familiar class of declarative questions: rejecting questions (RQs), which may occur with or without negation. We provide a semantic-pragmatic analysis of RQs and show for negative RQs that the negation is non-propositional. We analyze the non-propositional negation as the speech-act modifying operator falsum (Repp 2009a, 2013). In both languages, falsum interacts with modal particles whose meanings relate to contrast and the epistemic state of the speaker. We propose that the illocutionary operator in RQs is rejectq, which is an operator that comes with presuppositions that are the source of the particular bias of RQs.
Abstract
This paper investigates a class of biased questions with declarative syntax in Swedish and German that differ in their bias from the familiar class of declarative questions: rejecting questions (RQs), which may occur with or without negation. We provide a semantic-pragmatic analysis of RQs and show for negative RQs that the negation is non-propositional. We analyze the non-propositional negation as the speech-act modifying operator falsum (Repp 2009a, 2013). In both languages, falsum interacts with modal particles whose meanings relate to contrast and the epistemic state of the speaker. We propose that the illocutionary operator in RQs is rejectq, which is an operator that comes with presuppositions that are the source of the particular bias of RQs.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- The grammatical realization of polarity contrast 1
- From polarity focus to salient polarity 9
- Verum focus, sentence mood, and contrast 55
- Complementizers and negative polarity in German hypothetical comparatives 89
- Veridicality and sets of alternative worlds 109
- Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German 129
- On two types of polar interrogatives in Hungarian and their interaction with inside and outside negation 173
- Two kinds of VERUM distinguished by aspect choice in Russian 203
- Polarity focus and non-canonical syntax in Italian, French and Spanish 227
- In search for polarity contrast marking in Italian 255
- Index 289
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- The grammatical realization of polarity contrast 1
- From polarity focus to salient polarity 9
- Verum focus, sentence mood, and contrast 55
- Complementizers and negative polarity in German hypothetical comparatives 89
- Veridicality and sets of alternative worlds 109
- Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German 129
- On two types of polar interrogatives in Hungarian and their interaction with inside and outside negation 173
- Two kinds of VERUM distinguished by aspect choice in Russian 203
- Polarity focus and non-canonical syntax in Italian, French and Spanish 227
- In search for polarity contrast marking in Italian 255
- Index 289
