Organizing in the Shadows: Domestic Workers in the Netherlands
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Margriet Kraamwinkel
In 2009, a small group of domestic workers joined FNV Bondgenoten, the largest Dutch trade union in the private sector and affiliated with the Dutch trade union confederation FNV. The group that joined consisted mainly of women immigrant workers, many of whom did not have a residence permit. FNV’s policy is that we organize workers and do not ask for passports. Still, a group like this brought to light several problems for FNV, both practical and fundamental. The Article identifies three types of problems. The first set of problems concerns the invisibility of domestic workers. Domestic workers work in private houses and are leery of talking to strangers if they don’t have residence permits. This demanded new organizing tactics from the sector, like asking women to bring a friend to a meeting and joining churches. A cash payment of membership fees system was devised, its administration done by handwriting. At the same time, the public debate on immigration toughened; immigrants without residence permits (“illegal aliens”) in particular were depicted as somewhere between a profiteer and the devil. This debate also took place within FNV. The second set of problems is defined by the traditional views in Dutch society on domestic work. The group chose to become union members, since they wanted to better their position in the labor market. Dutch law on domestic work excludes them from full protection of labor and social security law. The inclusion of domestic work in labor and social security law is contrary to cultural and historical traditions and views and therefore contentious. The third set of problems is caused by the connectedness of labor and social security law and immigration law. Domestic workers in the Netherlands work in the shadows in two ways: by not having a residence permit, and by not being protected by labor and social security law. The result of our campaign is that a group of publicly financed care workers will be better protected, but the group of domestic workers that fought for ILO Convention 189 will still be excluded from our labor and social security law and not be able to qualify for a residence permit.
© 2016 by Theoretical Inquiries in Law
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Articles in the same Issue
- Theoretical Inquiries in Law
- Research Article
- Introduction: Labor Scholarship in an Era of Uncertainty
- Research Article
- Reframing the New Deal: The Past and Future of American Labor and the Law
- Research Article
- The Right Not to Have Rights: Posted Worker Acquiescence and the European Union Labor Rights Framework
- Research Article
- Organizing: Should the Employer Have a Say?
- Research Article
- Workplace Democracy and Democratic Worker Organizations: Notes on Worker Centers
- Research Article
- Organizing Workers in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico: The Authoritarian-Corporatist Legacy and Old Institutional Designs in a New Context
- Research Article
- Organizing Workers in “Hybrid Systems”: Comparing Trade Union Strategies in Four Countries — Austria, Germany, Israel and the Netherlands
- Research Article
- Trade Union Ambivalence Toward Enforcement of Employment Standards as an Organizing Strategy
- Research Article
- Unionizing Subcontracted Labor
- Research Article
- The Untamed Politics of Urban Informality: “Gray Space” and Struggles for Recognition in an African City
- Research Article
- Informal Workers’ Aggregation and Law
- Research Article
- Active Industrial Citizenship of Domestic Workers: Lessons Learned from Unionizing Attempts in Israel and the United Kingdom
- Research Article
- Organizing in the Shadows: Domestic Workers in the Netherlands