Abstract
By combining traditional practices and the codes of TikTok, news media on TikTok provide journalistic news targeting in particular the so-called “Generation Z.” Short and often playful videos represent a new journalistic discourse that links journalistic information to TikTok culture. With the emergence of journalism on TikTok, news media have to negotiate and justify their authority on this digital social network and have to explain how journalism works. Journalists on TikTok are thus also providing media education, by showing manifestations of journalism or by justifying that the newspapers deserve to be TikTok-certified. Media adapt the content and the nature of their videos to TikTok, for example, by participating in viral trends, by publishing videos that affect the lives of young Internet users, or by telling information with a humorous angle. Through the different ways of interacting, media manage to include Internet users in the news production and to show the media community.
1 Introduction
Particularly popular with teenagers, the TikTok social network was launched in 2018 following the merger of the Musical.ly (2014) and Douyin (2016) apps. In this digital environment, dedicated to dances and challenges, which Marlowe Granados described as “a space for celebrating the mundane and loops of déjà-vu” (Granados and Loncan 2022), journalism also finds its place. The continuous increase in the number of news media outlets on TikTok (Zaffarano 2019), correlated with the number of followers, reflects the interest of internet users in journalistic content disseminated on this digital social network: some accounts, such as The Washington Post and the German news program “Tagesschau,” have surpassed 1.2 million subscribers (March 2022).
TikTok is the subject of a great deal of research, particularly focusing on critical perspectives of algorithms (Horning and Garnier 2022) or discourses around certain hashtags (Zeng and Abidin 2021), medical advice (Basch et al. 2020; Comp et al. 2020), educational aspects of the application and its alternative dimension (Patel and Binjola 2020), to give a few examples. In journalism studies, TikTok is increasingly being analyzed as both a platform and a complement for publication, as well as a tool for journalism. For instance, Todd Henneman analyzed and highlighted the usefulness of teaching journalism on TikTok, allowing students to develop their technical and professional skills (Henneman 2020). Pavel Sidorenko-Bautista, José María Herranz de la Casa, and Juan Ignacio Cantero de Julián studied narrative modes in journalism on TikTok during the Covid-19 pandemic (Sidorenko-Bautista et al. 2020). María-Cruz Negreira-Rey, Jorge Vázquez-Herrero, and Xosé López-García provided an overview of the presence and role of journalists on TikTok, as well as their adaptation strategies for this new digital space (Negreira-Rey et al. 2022). Adopting a quantitative approach, the authors demonstrated that journalists would modify their practices to gain influence on the internet.
Our article is a continuation of this work, focusing on the info-communication practices of media companies present on TikTok. More specifically, our research questions concern the creation of a journalistic culture specific to the application, in constant evolution and correlated to the practices of a young public that often knows the platform better than journalists and media companies. In a context where media discourse is no longer reserved for the elite, the public is positioning themselves differently in relation to the media. Between the negotiation of journalistic authority and exchanges with Internet users, new formats embody journalism marked by co-writing and constant dialog between news media and audiences.
Although TikTok is not limited to a specific age bracket – a 2020 study shows, for example, that about two-thirds of users are over 25 (Kantar 2020) – the application is often associated with “Generation Z” (Cervi 2021). With their TikTok videos, characterized, among other things, by a light tone (second person) and adapted content, media companies are addressing a younger generation in particular (Helm 2021). For our study, we adopt this – rather vague – term to designate an audience whose true composition is difficult to ascertain, but which is targeted by topics such as school, extracurricular activities, studies, social issues, or even by young presenters.
Our analysis is based on the semi-discursive analysis of a multilingual – French, English and German – corpus of journalistic accounts on TikTok, more specifically, videos, subtitles and interactions with Internet users. We chose to focus on news media accounts rather than individual journalists, to better understand their reputation on TikTok and question the authority of journalistic speech on the internet. We analyzed the accounts of pure players, but we were also interested in news media that create a bridge between the world of print media, radio or television, and that of TikTok. For the print media in particular, this means raising the profile of journalists. BFMTV, Brut, Konbini, Le Figaro, Le Monde and TF1 form part of the French corpus, BBC Radio, Daily Mail, NBC Stay Tuned, Time, USA Today and Washington Post make up the English corpus, and BR24, Dein Puls, Deutsche Welle, Heuteshow, Rheinische Post, Tagesschau and SWR online are the German news media we have selected for this research.
Firstly, we’ll show that news media negotiate their legitimacy with Internet users by explaining their work, appropriating TikTok’s codes to propose new formats and adapting to the application’s culture and practices. Indeed, the authority associated with the figure of the journalist is changing (Wrona and Seignobos 2017) and becomes the subject of a quest, which constitutes a full-fledged negotiation topic for news media (“Why are you certified [by TikTok]?”). Secondly, we will show that journalism on TikTok is based on co-writing, in consultation and dialog with young people on the digital social network, who are often more adept than journalists in this new digital space. Between playful information and media education, journalistic discourse and the media adapt to the digital culture of TikTok and make themselves available for interaction. They create new relationships with young audiences and, through these new dynamics, a new type of news media community.
1 Negotiation of journalistic authority
Clicks are authoritative in the digital space: the volume of likes, content shares and comments makes it possible to be better referenced, and therefore to gain authority on the Internet, particularly on Google (Cardon 2015). The major media are recognized as references for reliable information, and the words of renowned journalists are widely disseminated. This sharing of representations in society contributes, according to Anderson (2006), to societal community, is called into question in media communities around news media on TikTok. On this digital social network, external authority – the media company’s brand – has little value when users know little or nothing about the offline medium. Only digital practices, such as videos and comments, contribute to the creation of online authority. Étienne Candel and Pergia Gkouskou-Giannakou explained that authority, in computerized media, is a process of legitimization and recognition “whose imaginary scope is realized as much in discourses as in practices.” (Candel and Gkouskou-Giannakou 2017) On TikTok, news media rely on a discourse explaining their activities, they adapt to the norms of use of the space, which is dominated by a younger generation, and they are led to specify their status as TikTok-certified news media in order to be legitimate in the eyes of Internet users.
1.1 Journalistic discourse on TikTok: a form of media literacy education
“What is journalism? How do journalists work?” These questions are the subject of videos on TikTok in which news media outlets answer Internet users’ questions about journalism, showcasing behind-the-scenes glimpses of journalists in newsrooms, including the places they work, the tools they use, and the journalists themselves. While TikTok is a distinct digital space, print media is regularly featured on media accounts, whether it be as part of morning reading routines, as objects of curiosity, or as points of reference. For instance, we see the Wall Street Journal next to a cup of coffee against the backdrop of a window overlooking New York City. In other videos, a journalist from The Washington Post constructs a hat out of the newspaper, and we see a journalist from Le Figaro unfolding the daily newspaper in an elevator. Media outlets thus create a myth around the print newspaper, which is both present as the primary medium for some media outlets (such as Le Monde, The Washington Post, and Le Figaro) and physically absent from the digital social network (Figure 1).

Screenshots showing the presence of the print newspaper in TikTok videos from various media outlets.

Screenshots from the TikTok accounts of Le Figaro, The Washington Post and Tagesschau showing behind-the-scenes footage from the editorial offices and the set.

Screenshots of the BFMTV video showing a day of work for special correspondent David Unal and video journalist François Luce.

Screenshots from the Washington Post’s TikTok account: “The Washington Post On TikTok. Trying to understand youth culture.”

Screenshots of the TikTok accounts of BFMTV, BR24, and Le Figaro.

Screenshots of Le Monde and Tagesschau.

Media outlets use various visual elements in their videos, showcasing “bloopers” or other playful elements.

Journalists from different media take part in challenges on TikTok.

Screenshots of Le Monde and NBC stay tuned videos inviting internet users to react and take part.

The media respond to questions from internet users.

The media speak directly to internet users.

First screenshot: call for participation, “show us your happy place”; second to fourth screenshots: feedback, 11 young people show where they feel comfortable.

First screenshot: the mini-quiz on the color of the presenters’ clothes; second to fourth screenshots: call to “duo” and space with all the videos that follow on from the gesture.

First screenshot: the video shows a teleprompter with scrolling text; second screenshot: videos of web users who have taken over the video and played the game of reading the teleprompter’s text; third and fourth screenshots: the editorial team congratulates users on their efforts.
Behind-the-scenes journalism is also a recurring motif in videos on TikTok – whether it’s the cameras and microphones that viewers don’t normally see on TV, or the screens that are required to produce a broadcast or print newspaper. The German news outlet Tagesschau, for example, regularly publishes videos in which journalists explain how the studio works, and show the perspective journalists have when they’re on set. These videos help us to better understand the production of a newspaper or the filming of a program, and underline the complexity of journalistic work (Figure 2). The often overlooked technical dimension of news media is a topic of interest to young people, and one that feeds the myth of journalism.
In addition to questions related to newspapers or technology, the work of journalists is regularly addressed in videos on media accounts on TikTok. In a video broadcast on the BFMTV TikTok account on December 2, 2020, for example, a special correspondent (David Unal) and a video journalist (François Luce) visited the eastern part of France, which was experiencing heavy snowfall at the time (Figure 3). The video focuses on the filming process and shows the camera, the car journey, and the challenges faced due to weather conditions. The figure shows a clip from the live broadcast.
By demonstrating these methods and techniques, news media highlight the professional and instituted nature of journalistic work, the quality of which is guaranteed by adherence to the standards of the profession, for “nothing is more journalistic, in the end, than to place before the eyes of its readers elements pertaining to the making of the newspaper” (Levrier and Wrona 2013). BFMTV makes journalistic work visible on several occasions: during the US presidential election, for example, Maxime Switek explained on TikTok the story of a burst of laughter he had while exchanging with an American and the consequences when this sequence went viral (November 9, 2020). In another video, Matthias Tesson explained his work on the trial of Jonathan Daval as well as the exceptional nature of the satellite bus which allows journalists to “bring the highlights of the Daval trial to life as much as possible” (November 20, 2020), On TF1’s account, Marie-Sophie Lacarrau demonstrated how the 1 p.m. newspaper works, emphasizing the importance of the regions and the network of correspondences, before Évelyne Dhéliat continued by showing the workings of the production of the weather report. The attention paid to the human, organizational and technical dimensions of journalism is part of a broader media education discourse designed to explain the profession of journalists.
This meta-discourse underlines the news media’s desire to position themselves on an equal footing with the public, by consolidating their legitimacy to talk about current affairs on TikTok. Journalists, for example, answer questions about the course of their careers or the training required to become a journalist. They also address broader issues such as fake news, trust in the media and ownership of media companies. In the comments below a video from July 6, 2020, Le Monde’s editorial staff, for example, have difficulty convincing Internet users that journalists own a share of the capital and that “(a tiny bit of) [with an emoji] the newspaper, therefore, belongs to “them.” In another video, Le Monde explains what a “trusted media outlet” is: “It’s a question of working methods: verified, multiple and transparency sources, a non-partisan point of view in the reporting of information…”.
Knowledge about journalism is not self-evident, and journalists are obliged to justify their work. The discourse on journalism on TikTok is therefore also a form of media education, which can potentially contribute to the creation of journalistic authority online.
1.2 Talking news with a wink: journalists in the face of TikTok codes and practices
Regardless of their validation by TikTok, news media must integrate themselves into the digital social network and adapt to a culture mastered by the younger generations. Over time and through experimentation (formats, ways of transmitting information), each news media outlet has managed to find its own style. For example, Konbini’s editorial staff dance in their videos to viral music samples, Tagesschau asks in its first video “What we’re wearing here” (“Wir sind jetzt auch hier. Was zieht man hier so an?”, November 20, 2019), BFM.TV publishes videos with singers and the Washington Post assumes that it is not yet part of the TikTok culture (Figure 4).
Journalists clearly haven’t yet mastered the codes and uses of the digital social network, so they assume their novice status and seek advice from experienced TikTok users. The new digital space requires and encourages new formats for journalistic information. The platform enables news media to experiment and reinvent editorial lines adapted to the digital environment, to create a new “viewing contract,” following the model of Eliseo Verón’s concept of a “reading contract.” Therefore, it is a “contract that aligns properly with the expectations, motivations, interests, and imaginative content of the intended audience” (Verón 1985).
Visually, news media explore the possibilities of TikTok, whether it’s the shared screens or the format in which a journalist answers a question for 1 min, with a bar indicating the time elapsed for the answer. Le Figaro, on the other hand, is introducing the “The five good news of the week” format from August 9, 2019 (Figure 5). Another of the newspaper’s formats is called “Opinion,” in which a person (a journalist, philosopher, expert, politician, entrepreneur, etc.) informs the audience on a subject and gives his or her opinion on it. By introducing and evolving different formats on TikTok – some of which become characteristic for certain media – news media establish a continuity on their accounts to consolidate the “contract” with their audience.
Digital devices also enable journalists to reinvent forms of expression, in particular, to offer a more playful style. Le Monde, for example, adopts a “Do it yourself” visual and thus assumes a simplified visualization accessible to the public when the editorial team uses Haribo gummy bears to talk about the death of a brown bear in the Pyrenees or cuts out a pie chart to visualize the second round of municipal elections (June 24, 2020). Gestures and the screen also play an important role, not only for the public, but also for journalists who integrate visual elements of the screen, swipe or touch into their formats when Internet users are, for example, invited to “find” elements in a video by pausing it at the right moment (Figure 6).
Humor and winking are an integral part of Tiktok videos. Dave Jorgenson, the lead journalist on the Washington Post’s TikTok account, chose in 2019 to “jump in and be part of the fun” (Beaujon 2019). In the same spirit, Le Figaro shows how to clean up spilled coffee with a newspaper, humorously labeling it as “The little tutorials of Le Figaro (Les petits tutos du Figaro)” (February 21, 2020). On April 3, 2020, amidst the lockdown, the daily published a video mobilizing the viral musical excerpt “Bored in the house,” thus fitting in with the TikTok trend of showing how we get bored at home. Three days later, BR24, Bayericher Rundfunk’s public radio station, posted a similar video based on the same musical sequence.
On the whole, news media offer a humorous “viewing contract”: entertaining videos, with appropriate content and generally presented in a lighthearted tone with a wink. So it’s not unusual to see emoji in videos or comments, or to see visual elements added to videos. In this spirit, Tagesschau occasionally denounces the “failings” of the TV news, for example, when the background doesn’t update properly, and the journalist of The Washington Post shares his creations made with the paper newspaper (Figure 7).
1.3 “Why are you certified?”: accepting external authority
The young media audience on TikTok doesn’t share the same imagination as readers of the press or viewers of TV channels. News media can’t rely on the reputation they enjoy offline. Even Le Monde and Le Figaro journalists have to explain the nature of the newspaper to Internet users. While Le Monde’s name carries a certain authority offline, because it represents a certain (intellectual) power, everything on TikTok is turned on its head. As Candel and Gkouskou-Giannakou (2017) point out: “The digital world conforms to the social representation of numbers.” In the imagination of Internet users, media authority is therefore also based on figures, such as a high number of subscribers. The fact that media outlets are “certified” by TikTok—i.e. their name is followed by a checkmark signifying that the RSN certifies the authenticity of the account—despite a low number of subscribers seems incomprehensible to some. Internet users are quick to discuss the reason for TikTok’s “certification” among themselves or with the media. One user points out this contradiction in a comment placed under a Figaro video “800 subscribers and it is certified” [sic]. Others reply, trying to explain the exception: “It’s Le Figaro at the same time…”. Or: “It’s normal, it’s Le Figaro newspaper” [sic]. Given that some journalists or media outlets are little-known, if at all, to Internet users, TikTok certification of journalistic accounts intrigues some. Le Monde takes the time to answer these questions under the June 17, 2020 video:
“Cos you certified how you did” [sic] [with an emoji]
“bah it’s the newspaper le monde” [sic] [with emojis]
[Le Monde] “We answer this question in our latest video” [with an emoji]
In the following video (June 19, 2020), Le Monde explains why its account is TikTok certified, as many internet users have raised this question. In the video, the journalist displays a few questions (“Hey, why are you certified?” [sic], “Lool the certification?” [sic], “400 subscribers, where are you certified?” [sic], “Why are you certified?” [sic]) and explains what TikTok certification means for a newspaper: “Well, many of you are asking me why I am certified. First of all, it’s not me, it’s Le Monde. Le Monde is a renowned newspaper. So, with this certification, you can be sure that you will have content, videos created by real journalists, from the genuine Le Monde newspaper and not an imposter. I’ll take this opportunity to give you a glimpse of what’s to come. We will talk about current affairs, which means providing information of public interest, supported by facts and with identified sources. See you soon.”
The legitimacy of the newspaper is therefore not based on the image of the newspaper itself, but on the imagery of the certification symbol. Through this symbolic and political sign, Le Monde aligns itself with the belief system of social media networks, where codes of legitimacy, evaluation, and the sharing of values are redefined and imposed by TikTok users.
Journalists make an effort to integrate into TikTok culture and assert both their authority and proximity to the audience. Their personal engagement plays a central role in the production of journalistic content (Negreira Rey et al. 2022). The corporeal dimension – the visibility of journalists – is significant on TikTok. Acceptance and validation from users take time, and a large portion of news media chooses, at some point, to participate in challenges or integrate themselves into the digital culture of the social media network. For instance, the journalists from NBC News Stay Tuned participate in the #pineapplechallenge, while the presenter of Tagesschau joins the #glitchtrend, which involves performing repeated movements at a fast pace without changing facial expressions. Eventually, his colleagues showcase a dance that is mentioned multiple times in the comments (Figure 8).
The legitimacy of news media and journalists is not inherently granted. It gradually solidifies through interactions, based on the popularity of videos within the community and the consistency of their publications. It is part of a lengthy “authorization process” (Candel and Gkouskou-Giannakou 2017). Authority is not immediately bestowed upon news media outlets and journalists present on the social media network (RSN); rather, it is the outcome of various developments and actions. The evolution and standardization of information formats contribute to consolidating the image of journalism on TikTok and, in turn, its acceptance by users. The convergence of different cultures – journalism and TikTok – places the videos in a middle ground between journalistic traditions and RSN codes. Ultimately, exchanges and explanations regarding the understanding of how journalism works and the signs of authentication, such as certification on TikTok, also form part of the negotiation of journalistic authority.
2 Journalism in dialog on TikTok
Journalism on TikTok aligns with the demands of a communication marked by the imaginary of horizontal engagement. As we have seen, codes of authority are renegotiated between news media outlets and the public. Internet users clearly have a role in the conception and development of information. Instead of imposing topics, journalists seek dialog with young people to gather feedback and learn about their suggested subjects. If “every document is itself a promise of a relationship to a world, the mode or degree of existence of which conditions the viewer’s adherence or participation” (Jost 1997), journalists negotiate and create the promise of journalism on TikTok in consultation with internet users.
2.1 Seeking an editorial line adapted to TikTok
News media outlets have naturally developed their own editorial lines on TikTok, aiming to differentiate themselves from one another. Here, we will provide an overview of their commonalities and explore how they seek to establish an editorial line in collaboration with the young audience.
For example, Le Monde has chosen, up until now (early March 2022), current topics that are likely to interest the TikTok audience. Thus, many videos cover COVID-19 and health-related subjects (37), society at large (45), nature, climate, and nuclear issues (37), international affairs (40), foreign and French politics (24), sports (19), history (28), space (16), broad “tech” topics (10), science (3), and journalism (9). These subjects encompass major current themes from recent years, such as the pandemic, the 2020 US elections, and the Ukraine war. However, they also resonate with the interests of young audiences, such as nature and climate, history (especially funny or bizarre history), space, or topics related to technology. These findings align with the results of an empirical study by Al-Rawi et al. (2021), who found, based on a corpus of Instagram posts, that internet users prefer personal stories or positive information.
The style of videos varies greatly from one news media outlet to another. For example, Deutsche Welle, a German international media organization, publishes many English-language videos on its TikTok account that explore the intersection between foreign culture and German culture. They cover topics such as German politics, society, student life, and surprising anecdotes about Germany, particularly Berlin, which may be eye-opening for non-German audiences (cultural shocks). Konbini also offers videos on current events, but often focuses on pop culture, music, films, and actors. Their content can range from Harry Potter to TikTokers and cooking tips. The themes addressed by media outlets on TikTok highlight a wide range of topics and, more importantly, the significant differences that exist between certain accounts (Negreira Rey et al. 2022).
With the evolution of media platforms and environments, the choice of subjects also evolves (Hendrickx 2021). For instance, BR24 primarily targets a student audience and provides videos on topics such as schools during the pandemic, Bavaria, and TikTok challenges and celebrities. Tagesschau, Germany’s oldest television news program, explains in a video from December 22, 2021, how the editorial team selects its subjects: they take into account the young target audience and focus on topics that have an impact on the daily lives of internet users, such as certain political decisions. The relevance (“Relevanz”) and prominence (“Prominenz”) of individuals, such as Britney Spears, also serve as criteria for topic selection. Journalists seek out subjects that “spark conversation” (gesprächswertig). The majority of topics aim to engage internet users and fuel discussions in the comments section.
Many media outlets take advantage of their first video to introduce themselves or start with a video that is likely to interest a young audience. For example, TF1 begins on TikTok with a video featuring the young singer Emma from the show “The Voice Kids,” which prompts comments from viewers indicating they have seen her on television or that she won the competition. Thus, the leading French channel immediately focuses on a young audience. The individuals featured in the initial videos embody the TikTok account’s editorial line: Lenni Kim with an excerpt from his song “Still Waiting For You,” a couple from the show “Dancing with the Stars,” Agustin Galiana with a song excerpt, and videos related to the Miss France competition. Subsequently, many videos announce upcoming shows on TF1, such as “Koh Lanta.” TF1 also gives a voice to journalists who share their best memories with the national football team. For example, Anne-Claire Coudray states on TF1’s TikTok account on March 4, 2020, “When you’re a journalist, happy events are already rare, but those that bring thousands of people to the streets are even rarer. And when you have the chance to comment on a World Cup victory, well, you remember it for the rest of your life.” The comments on these videos are diverse and do not always relate to the content: “TF1 wants to make it big,” “Why is the sound only on the left with headphones,” or “TF1 on TikTok now lol” are among the initial contributions to comment on Anne-Claire Coudray’s testimony. BFMTV takes a similar approach on TikTok by publishing an interview with singer Aya Nakamura (February 25, 2019). They follow up with interviews with rappers Koba LaD (June 24, 2019) and Gims (June 26, 2019). After a hiatus of about a year, journalists speak up on BFMTV’s account (“Hi TikTok,” June 25, 2020). Tanguy de Lanlay discusses pollen and allergies with a viral music excerpt, explicitly addressing a young audience (“us, the younger ones”).
On the contrary, Le Monde takes its first steps on TikTok by presenting the newspaper’s editorial line, accompanied by lively music and the following description: “Simple news. Basic. With music.” (June 15, 2020). The opening sentence of the video announces, “Le Monde is coming to TikTok.” Once again, the reactions from users are diverse: “Hello, I’m one of your first subscribers,” “Certified with 148 followers,” “I love their account lol,” “finally, I hope it’s really you…” and so on. The online community criticizes or validates Le Monde’s presence, gives advice, asks questions, and quickly seeks engagement to obtain more information.
The reception of media outlets on TikTok generates various reactions, and news media adapt their content based on the interests and expectations of the audience. Journalists seek interaction with subscribers to not only engage with them but also determine and refine their editorial line.
2.2 In search of an exchange with internet users
Journalists on TikTok actively seek interaction and engagement with young users on the platform, following a “participatory logic,” to borrow a concept from Pignard-Cheynel and Amigo (2019). These researchers define this phrase by “[emphasizing] the connections that are formed between the media, its journalists, and its audience.” Whether it’s journalists or community managers responding to comments, this “participatory logic” is an integral part of the spirit of journalism on TikTok.
News media outlets regularly pose questions at the end of videos, in the “description” section, or in the comments. For example, Deutsche Welle asks, “Do you pay for water in restaurants where you live?” thus inviting users to share their experiences, especially since it is a topic that does not require specific knowledge and the question is formulated in an open-ended manner that is not limited to experiences in Germany. News media take the time to comment on responses, often in a humorous way with an emoji, or asks a new question. The responses from people from various countries bring users together around a common gesture (Jost 2007). Without seeking confrontation, journalists encourage users to participate in a dialog around the themes of the video. Building a community and interacting with the audience on current topics are as important as the journalistic information itself, especially considering that Deutsche Welle does not solely focus on breaking news. BR24 relies from the beginning on topics that directly affect the lives of its young audience and inaugurates its TikTok account with a video explaining on December 10, 2019, the places where fireworks – a major tradition in Germany for New Year’s Eve – are prohibited in Bavaria and asks users what they think about this ban (“Was haltet ihr vom Böller-Verbot?”). With 1,534 comments and 816 likes, the media actively seeks engagement right from the start through its TikTok account. NBC Stay Tuned offers an even simpler form of participation: under the video from December 11, 2019, focusing on contemporary art, the news medium asks users if they would choose the artwork with the banana taped to the wall or the creation of NBC Stay Tuned. Users react and share their opinions in the dedicated comments section (Figure 9).
Seeking to give the audience a more active role, Le Monde allows TikTok users to choose the topic of an upcoming video by asking, “Which topic for our next video? We’ll let you decide: like your favorite among our 4 options” (October 10, 2021) (Figure 9).
In many of their videos, news media outlets respond to the questions and inquiries of young viewers. BFMTV, for instance, has introduced a format where the channel addresses various questions, starting with a video on November 30, 2020, in which a journalist answers a question from a TikTok user: “How did the idea for this waste march come about?” BFMTV invites the audience to ask more questions at the end of the video, saying, “Just like @Blanche, ask your question and we’ll answer it!” This call for questions fosters an exchange and gives space – as well as visibility – to TikTok users in the news-making process. News media outlets strive to establish a balanced exchange and convey to the audience that they are attentive and responsive. For instance, Tagesschau, in response to numerous requests, features the news anchor from its television broadcast on the TikTok platform, allowing him to answer questions about his career (Figure 10).
Indeed, exchanges also take place in the comments section of videos. Certain topics generate a lot of reactions among viewers. When Le Monde posts a video about the UEFA Champions League anthem (June 17, 2020), many users comment on it. The editorial team responds to and corrects those who share their opinions:
“2020 she just noticed something that everyone has noticed for 50 years.” [sic]
[Le Monde]: “Impressive! Considering that the anthem dates back to the 1990s.” [with an emoji]
“Well, you understood it’s a joke to say that the anthem has been around for a long time and the languages are European.”
[Le Monde]: “Haha, don’t worry, we got it. Although I’m not sure everyone knows about the inspiration from ‘Zadok The Priest’.” [with an emoji]
“Not sure about that either.” [with an emoji]
“I didn’t know, I’ve never been interested in it, but it’s always useful to learn something!” [with emojis]
The interaction extends beyond the information shared in the videos. The majority of news outlets on TikTok actively engage with their audience, taking the time to like responses and engage in meaningful dialogs, aligning with the concept of “horizontal journalism” (Mathien 2010) in the digital space. While exchanges in the comments section are not new, as it has been possible to comment on articles on platforms like Facebook, the journalistic community on TikTok places a strong emphasis on exchanges and validating their “promises.” Furthermore, the comments also touch upon technical aspects or visual elements of the videos.
2.3 Making media communities visible on TikTok
News media outlets on TikTok bring together internet users around their editorial lines and thus create media communities. Some users express their enthusiasm for seeing reputable media outlets on TikTok, while others discover their existence. With video themes that are broad and require no prior knowledge, directly engaging the viewers, journalists invite the audience to comment and share their opinions (Figure 11). The focus is on “you,” and journalists directly address the young audience by asking them questions related to the video. Using familiar language and addressing viewers in a casual manner is common practice. For example, BR24’s team announces, “You’re the loser” (“Du bist der Verlierer,” September 20, 2020), and Le Monde asks, “And you, are you affected?” (February 1, 2022) to announce their commitment, alongside Konbini, against cyberbullying. In other videos, BR24, for instance, directly addresses young people, urging them to stop using strong, fast-drying glue on their bodies, explaining the dangers associated with this act. Through this discourse, BR24 addresses the entire audience and makes a community visible. Similarly, when a news media outlet publishes a video talking about funny animals and states that “everyone knows Grumpy Cat” (September 21, 2020), it further highlights the visibility of a community.
News media are transforming their TikTok into spaces for sharing and experiences. BR24, for example, calls out to young users: “We’re looking for you! Become a young reporter!” (“Wir suchen Dich! Werde Young Reporter!”, July 13, 2021). They are seeking young individuals ready to share their “happy place.” Later, 11 videos are available in the channel’s media library, and a few months later, the journalists talk about them and showcase excerpts on their TikTok account (November 8, 2021).
The TikTok account becomes a digital space for participation. Users play an active role and act as “representatives.” We borrow this term from Marin (1994, p. 343), who defines “represent” as a dual act, in the sense that one “presents oneself as representing something.” Users are visible and at the same time represent other users who may have similar “happy places” or can identify with the 11 individuals in the video. In the subtitle of the recap video, journalists once again address young people and ask where they feel comfortable, thus continuing the exchange in the comments (Figure 12).
Tagesschau diversifies the forms of community participation. The editorial team utilizes TikTok’s features and gives users a more active role. In a video from May 4, 2021, they show three presenters in black and white and ask users to guess who is dressed in red. As the video progresses, they add color and reveal the correct answer. In other videos, journalists call for “duets” with users. For example, they may post a short video in which a journalist in Hamburg pretends to high-five a colleague in Berlin (February 10, 2021). The colleague reproduces the same gesture on the other side of the screen, encouraging users to do the same (Figure 13).
In another video (March 18, 2021), the German channel invites users to do the opposite, that is, to take the image and add sound to it. The video shows text scrolling on a teleprompter, and the presenter encourages young people, in the comments section, to test their ability to present the information (Figure 14).
The journalists invite young people into their digital spaces to join the community. Calls for participation, interactive and playful content, and the journalists’ reactions to audience practices strengthen the collective, even if the videos only appear randomly in the news feeds.
The live events (“lives”) offered by some media outlets, such as the live with Thomas Pesquet organized by Le Monde (December 3, 2021), provide another way to bring the online community together and engage in discussions on specific topics. Videos published on the occasion of channel anniversaries or reaching a certain number of subscribers also serve as moments where the editorial team highlights the collective project around the TikTok account.
Benedict Anderson (2006) associates the creation of a community with the visibility of the newspaper in daily life and the awareness of a shared gesture simultaneously performed. TikTok users may be invisible behind their screens, but news media grants them visibility through responses to questions or through playful games and gestures, thus bringing media communities to life.
3 Conclusions
Social media platforms have redefined the relationship between journalists and internet users (Pignard-Cheynel and van Dievoet 2019), specifically on TikTok, where the algorithm suggests content based on the duration of video views and the horizontal and vertical swipes. Journalists find themselves facing an audience that may not be familiar with traditional news media and therefore questions the legitimacy of news media and journalists. However, by explaining their journalistic work and adapting to the codes, norms, and practices of TikTok, journalists are able to establish editorial guidelines and new writing formats, consolidating their status as reliable and credible sources of information.
In their efforts to create media communities on TikTok, journalists seek to engage in dialog with internet users, involving them in the content search for videos and interacting with them by answering questions and offering participatory and entertaining formats. By making previously invisible internet users visible, news media outlets ultimately offer a media “promise”: that of providing information in line with the specific journalistic culture of the TikTok platform.
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Editorial Essay
- Gen Z’s social media use and global communication
- Research Articles
- Identity, migration, and social media: Generation Z in USMCA
- Online news platforms still matter: generational news consumption patterns during the 2020 presidential election
- Differences in perceived influencer authenticity: a comparison of Gen Z and Millennials’ definitions of influencer authenticity during the de-influencer movement
- Why does Gen Z watch virtual streaming VTube anime videos with avatars on Twitch?
- Para-kin relationship between fans and idols: a qualitative analysis of fans’ motivations for purchasing idol-dolls
- From the Traditionalists to GenZ: conceptualizing intergenerational communication and media preferences in the USA
- Featured Translated Research Outside the Anglosphere
- Co-writing journalism on TikTok: media legitimacy and edutainment communities