Language hierarchies and community resilience: sociolinguistic analysis of multilingual disaster communication in rural Malawi

1 Introduction

Despite its effect on the ultimate success or failure of humanitarian efforts, translation in such contexts is often considered only in terms of its role in communicating project goals and results, failing to incorporate the local population in all planning stages. O’Brien and Federici (2020: 130) have thus proposed “a shift of focus towards considering language translation as part of disaster prevention and management”. This focal shift is supported by initiatives to elevate communication of “crucial and timely information in crisis management” to the status of a human right (O’Brien and Federici 2020: 130). This change in status would ultimately also entail serious changes in how translation and multilingual communication in humanitarian and relief efforts are conceptualized and implemented.

In Malawi, international and humanitarian organizations that provide relief aid following the frequent cyclones that lead to loss of life, displacement, and destruction of infrastructure predominantly operate in English (Footitt et al. 2020). Although English is an official language in the country, Malawi is multilingual and ethnically diverse. According to the 2008 census, only 26 percent of the population of Malawi aged 14 or above can speak English, and only 0.3 percent of the educated elite, mainly in urban areas, speak it fluently (National Statistical Office of Malawi n.d.). Malawi, like many African nations, has a great linguistic diversity, with approximately 15 distinct languages and dialects spoken throughout the country. These include Chichewa/Chinyanja, Chiyao, Chitumbuka, Chilomwe, Chinkhonde, Chisena, Chitonga, Chinyakyusa, Chilambya, Chisenga, Chisukwa, Chibandia, Chingoni, Chimambwe, and Chinamwanga. Notably, certain languages such as Chichewa, Chitumbuka, Chisena, and Chilomwe extend beyond Malawi’s borders, being spoken in neighbouring countries like Zambia, Mozambique, and Tanzania. Although most of the languages of Malawi are all relatively closely related and classified within Bantu and the Niger-Congo language family, they are not necessarily mutually intelligible, highlighting the country’s linguistic complexity. Among these, Chichewa is considered a national language, being spoken by about half of the population, followed by Chiyao and Chitumbuka as minority languages. While English serves as the official administrative language, the education system uses Chichewa from preschool to standard 5, switching to English from standard 6 onwards. Some minority languages, such as Chiyao, Chilomwe, Chitumbuka, Chisena, and Chitonga, are not known to be taught in schools but are used in radio broadcasts (Lora-Kayambazinthu 2003).

There have been enduring concerns regarding the international predominance of English and its role in perpetuating the cultural constructs of colonialism in developing nations (Crack 2019; Pennycook 2002; Phillipson 1996). Previous work (Crack and Chasukwa 2023) has produced the first comprehensive glossary of development terminology translated from English to Chewa (Chichewa), as the national language of Malawi. However, the population in risk-affected areas in the northern parts of the country are predominantly speakers of Elomwe and Yao (Translators without Borders 2021). It is important to explore minority languages as a means of ensuring information provision while focusing on the most dominant languages spoken (Moreno-Rivero 2018). Additionally, the 2018 census reveals that 31 percent of Malawi’s population is illiterate (Malawi National Statistical Office 2019). Although the national statistics do not disaggregate by language, we can assume that literacy rates in minority languages might be lower, given that Chichewa is the language of instruction in early primary education while minority languages like Chiyao have limited presence in formal education. It is also reported that literacy rates among rural populations are low, with one-third of the female population being illiterate (Malawi National Statistical Office 2019; Translators without Borders 2021). These sociolinguistic dynamics observed in disaster-affected Malawian rural communities demonstrate how language hierarchies impact access to life-saving information, raising important questions of linguistic justice.

This situation highlights the need for comprehensive crisis communication strategies that consider both linguistic diversity and literacy levels in information dissemination. The United Nations identifies language barriers as contributing to vulnerability, particularly among culturally and linguistically diverse communities, who face structural disadvantages in accessing crucial information during humanitarian crises (OCHA and CDA Collaborative Learning Projects 2016). This article aims to identify the linguistic needs of the population in cyclone-affected regions of rural Malawi by examining three interconnected aspects: patterns of language use, existing formal and informal translation practices, and technological communication methods. Together, these elements provide a comprehensive picture of how language barriers affect disaster resilience and how community translation efforts emerge to address these barriers.

2 Translation in minority languages for risk reduction

Language and translation play a fundamental role in shaping how sustainable development is both conceptualized and implemented in practice. This study aims to explore the critical intersection of language, translation, and disaster management, with a focus on how effective communication can strengthen disaster resilience and reduce vulnerabilities. Traditional development approaches frequently fail to effectively include most affected populations in the language translation process, which can lead to sustainable development practices that are intended to reduce disaster vulnerability being inaccessible, and can potentially widen existing inequalities among affected populations (Todorova and Marais 2022). Crack (2019: 166) points to an “increasing criticism of the low priority given to languages and cultural knowledge in development policy”, despite the fact that “of all the options of customizing communications, translating messages into the languages that are relevant to diverse audiences is the most crucial, as this determines their reach” (Di Carlo et al. 2022: 78).

This critical need for effective translation in crisis settings has been recognized in multiple contexts. Yassine (2023: 352–367) emphasizes that accurate translations are crucial for conveying public health measures effectively, thereby fostering a well-informed community capable of responding to future challenges. Furthermore, O’Brien and Federici (2020) highlight that the role of translation in crisis communication is often underestimated despite its critical importance in managing multilingual disaster settings. Shackleton (2018) highlights how community engagement approaches to translation can significantly enhance disaster preparedness in culturally and linguistically diverse communities. Similarly, Bulut and Kurultay’s (2001) and Doğan’s (2016) studies of volunteer translation networks during disasters demonstrate how organized community translation efforts provide crucial communication bridges during emergencies.

The integration of translation efforts into disaster response strategies not only enhances communication but also reinforces local social networks. Community-driven responses, which are often facilitated by local organizations, can significantly improve psychosocial outcomes during disasters (Newnham et al. 2020). This is particularly relevant in rural areas where social solidarity and engagement with community groups are vital for effective disaster response. For example, in Cameroon, humanitarian organizations like the Red Cross recruit volunteers from within local communities and surrounding areas who understand the culture and the context (Tedjouong and Todorova 2022). By fostering a sense of community and trust, these networks enable individuals to collaborate and support one another during crises, thereby enhancing overall resilience.

Moreover, the emergence of volunteer translators who utilize social media platforms for urgent translation tasks has proven to effectively complement official disaster relief efforts. Crowdsourced translations can significantly reduce the impact of disasters by ensuring that critical information is disseminated quickly and accurately (Zhang and Wu 2020). This grassroots approach not only empowers local communities but also allows for a more agile response to evolving situations. The ability of community members to self-organize and mobilize resources through translation efforts exemplifies the adaptive capacity of these networks in times of crisis.

The role of translation in disaster management extends beyond immediate response efforts; it also plays a crucial part in long-term recovery and resilience building (O’Brien and Federici 2020). This highlights the importance of sustained engagement and collaboration among community members, translators, and external agencies in fostering resilience. The establishment of strong communication channels through local translation networks can lead to improved preparedness for future disasters, as communities become more adept at sharing information and resources.

Having established the theoretical importance of translation networks in disaster contexts, the following section outlines the methodology used to investigate these dynamics in cyclone-affected communities in Malawi.

3 Methodology

Ethnographic research in the form of survey questionnaires was designed and conducted with the staff of non-governmental organizations involved with relief operations and the affected population in Malawi. We received 42 responses from the NGO staff and 96 responses from the affected population. The study employed purposive sampling methods to capture a broad spectrum of experiences within Malawi’s post-cyclone humanitarian context. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the Institutional Review Board of the Hong Kong Baptist University (REC/22-23/0188). Given the vulnerability of disaster-affected populations, we implemented several safeguards. Survey questions focused on language preferences and information channels rather than traumatic disaster experiences to minimize the risk of retraumatizing participants. Participants were informed of the study purpose, the voluntary nature of participation, and their right to withdraw at any time. Surveys were conducted in participants’ preferred languages by team members fluent in both Chiyao and Chichewa. We consulted with local leaders before fieldwork to ensure cultural appropriateness and to confirm that our activities would not interfere with aid distribution or recovery efforts.

The survey with NGO staff was conducted in several humanitarian organizations providing humanitarian aid in Malawi, including the Red Cross, Emmanuel International, and CADECOM. In the survey with NGO staff, we enquired about their language use for relief operations; whether there are people who they feel have been left out due to language choice; the involvement of translation in relief efforts; the availability of formal training and guidance for translating, interpreting, and cultural mediation; and the skills and training needed for communication with affected populations. The survey with the NGO staff was conducted in their local offices in Malawi. The participants in the survey were local Malawian staff members, about 60 percent of whom were male and 40 percent female. Most of the participants (62 percent) were 37–47 years of age, 26 percent were below 35 years of age, and 12 percent were above 47 years of age.

Key questions in the survey for humanitarian staff included: “What are your language skills?”, “What languages do you use to communicate with the affected population?”, “Does your organization provide any formal guidance on providing translated information to affected populations?”, “From your experience, is technology important to provide inclusive language access to recipients of disaster relief aid in Malawi?”, and “What skills are lacking or need to be provided/developed to improved language access for relief aid beneficiaries in Malawi?”.

The survey of the affected population was conducted in two stages. The initial stage was conducted in Tanga Village, Zomba District. In the second stage, the survey was conducted in the Namasalima area, a border area between the districts of Zomba and Machinga. Cyclone Freddy, affecting the region in February and March 2023, caused devastating floods that resulted in lost houses, crops, and domesticated animals. Schools, mosques, and churches had become campsites for the flood victims. In the survey with the affected population, we investigated their home language, the language in which they preferred to receive verbal and written information, the language in which they currently receive information, the channels through which they receive information, and their opinions of and trust in the aid providers.

Respondents to the survey in the affected population were all adults aged 18 and above who had received humanitarian assistance during the cyclone response. The sampling strategy prioritized demographic diversity, incorporating different age groups, a gender balance, and varied community roles. To accurately represent the community’s linguistic landscape, the study included participants across different literacy levels and language backgrounds, acknowledging the area’s multilingual characteristics.

The demographic analysis of the affected population survey reveals a predominantly rural sample, with 98.75 percent of community respondents residing in rural areas. The age distribution shows a relatively balanced representation across different age groups: 38 percent of participants were from the younger age group (18–34 years old), 35 percent were middle-aged (35–47 years old), and 26 percent were older participants (48–92 years old). The gender distribution of the community respondents was also reasonably balanced, with 44 percent male and 56 percent female participants.

The survey questions were developed based on previous language needs assessments in humanitarian contexts, with input from local collaborators to ensure cultural appropriateness. Key questions for affected populations included: “What language(s) do you speak at home?”, “In what language do you prefer to receive verbal information about disasters?”, “In what language do you prefer to receive written information about disasters?”, and “How do you usually receive information about disasters?”

4 Results and discussion

This section presents findings on how language and translation practices impact disaster communication in Malawi, organized around three key themes that emerged from our surveys: language use, translation practices, and technological communication methods. Rather than presenting a comprehensive survey analysis, we concentrate on responses that illuminate these central themes and their implications for disaster preparedness and response.

4.1 Language use

The survey data reveals a complex linguistic landscape where the population demonstrates bilingual competency in both Chiyao/Yao and Chichewa languages, without a mention of English (see Figure 1). Half of the affected population respondents speak both Chiyao and Chichewa at home; Chichewa and Chiyao are the most commonly used languages, with Chichewa being the dominant language used in communication between the affected population and NGO staff.

Figure 1:

The number of participants from the affected communities with particular language preferences and the number of participants from humanitarian NGOs who use specific languages at work.

The community respondents are mostly Chiyao speakers with one-third of them being able to speak Chichewa as well. However, the finding shows that only one-third of the community respondents prefer the Chichewa language together with Chiyao for communication and two-thirds of community respondents prefer Chiyao to be the only language for receiving both verbal and written information. Village chiefs, friends, and family are the major channels through which the affected population receives information when it is not available in their preferred language, but official translators and interpreters are not used for these purposes. The affected populations agree that they are treated with respect by the aid providers and generally trust the aid providers. However, if the NGO staff speak the same language as the affected population, this is reported to enhance trust between the two groups.

The responses of the staff of NGOs, all working in the distribution of relief items in the field, show that less than 10 percent of the staff use Chiyao at work, while the majority use English and Chichewa. They also indicate that the primary language used to work with the affected population is Chichewa, with only 31 percent of the NGO respondents including Chiyao as one of the languages they use to work with the affected population. Field staff consistently report using multiple languages in their work, with English serving as the primary language for organizational communication and donor interactions (all the NGO respondents use English with donors). In contrast, Chichewa and Chiyao are predominantly used for communication with affected populations. This linguistic stratification demonstrates a clear demarcation between institutional and community communication channels, highlighting potential barriers in information flow and risk communication.

The language demographics reveal significant disparities between institutional communication practices and community needs. While two-thirds of community respondents prefer Chiyao for both verbal and written communication, only about 10 percent of NGO staff use Chiyao for communicating in their work contexts (see Figure 1). It is important to note that there are more learning resources and more formal opportunities to learn Chichewa than for Chiyao, which likely influences NGO staffing and communication practices, aligning them with the general sociolinguistic situation in Malawi.

The survey demographics, with a gender distribution of 56 percent female and 44 percent male community respondents, must be considered alongside the research context, given that one-third of the female population in the affected areas is illiterate. This intersection of gender and literacy presents specific challenges for risk communication and aid delivery. The data suggests a need for gender-sensitive approaches to translation and communication, particularly given the vulnerability of illiterate women during disasters.

5 Conclusion: the potential of community translation networks

This study aimed to identify the linguistic needs of vulnerable populations in cyclone-affected areas of Malawi. Our findings reveal that despite Chiyao being the preferred language for two-thirds of community respondents, disaster communication predominantly occurs in Chichewa and English. This mismatch creates significant barriers to effective information dissemination. While the survey use for this study did not explicitly label these practices as “community-based translation”, our research also identified organic community-based translation that have developed to bridge these gaps, primarily through bilingual community members, including village chiefs, friends, and family serving as the primary channels for information dissemination.

While informal networks currently fill the communication gap, a more structured approach that builds upon existing community networks could enhance the effectiveness of disaster communication and response in affected areas in Malawi. The findings point to several critical needs in developing more effective community translation networks: better utilization of bilingual community members’ expertise, implementation of formal training and guidance for translation services, thoughtful integration of technology while maintaining community-based approaches, and development of gender-sensitive translation strategies that consider varying literacy levels.

The cultural and linguistic diversity in rural communities in Malawi necessitates effective communication strategies during disasters. Community-based translation networks can play a crucial role in enhancing disaster resilience and aid effectiveness by ensuring that critical information is accessible to all community members, regardless of language barriers. The development and implementation of robust language translation tools, guided by principles of availability, accessibility, acceptability, and adaptability, are essential for effective disaster management (O’Brien et al. 2018).

In conclusion, community translation networks are essential for enhancing disaster resilience and improving aid effectiveness in linguistically diverse rural communities, such as those in Malawi. By facilitating clear communication, reinforcing social networks, and leveraging local knowledge and technology, these networks empower communities to respond more effectively to disasters. The collaborative nature of these networks fosters trust and engagement, ensuring that all community members have access to critical information and resources. As the frequency and complexity of disasters continue to rise, the importance of integrating translation efforts into disaster management strategies will only grow, underscoring the need for further research and investment in community-based approaches.