Abstract
The traditional philological literature on Sardinian claims that Sardinian has a “partitive object” construction, arguing that it is either inherited from Latin or due to Catalan influence. Under closer examination, however, the construction at issue turns out to be a common Romance clitic right dislocation (CLRD) structure involving the preposition de and a partitive clitic. The article presents the syntactic distribution of this Sardinian construction and its clitic left dislocation (CLLD) counterpart and compares it to similar structures in French, Catalan, and Italian. The result is that the structure appears in all these languages when a bare NP is dislocated, including split-QP/NumP/NP constructions: In all these languages, the dislocated indefinite NP is marked by de/di and a partitive clitic (Sardinian nde, French en, Italian ne, Catalan en/ne) shows up. The article ends with a Minimalist analysis, in which clitics are the spell-out of a probe in v that triggers movement of a complement to the specifier of vP to overcome a phase boundary. In this account, a probe that targets indefinite NPs assigns partitive case, while the probe itself is spelled out as a partitive clitic. While taking Sardinian as a starting point, the article bears on more general issues and unveils a common mechanism in one group of Romance languages.
Acknowledgements
This article is related to my projects Quantification in Old Italian (with Cecilia Poletto) and Long-distance Dependencies in French (with Stefan Müller), both funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. I thank three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments to previous versions of this article.
Appendix: Map of Sardinian dialects

The Sardinian dialects, from Mensching and Remberger (2016: 271).
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© 2020 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Introduction: Shades of partitivity: Formal and areal properties
- Partitive objects in negative contexts in Northern Italian Dialects
- Partitive determiners in Piedmontese: A case of language variation and change in a contact setting
- Indefinite determiners in informal Italian: A preliminary analysis
- Partitives, pseudopartitives and the preposition apo in Greek
- Breton a-marking of (internal) verbal arguments: A result of language contact?
- Convergence and divergence in the expression of partitivity in French, Dutch, and German
- On “partitive dislocation” in Sardinian: A Romance and Minimalist perspective
- Partitivity in Slavic-Romance language contact: The case of Molise Slavic in Italy
- Contact-induced change in the languages of Europe: The rise and development of partitive cases and determiners in Finnic and Basque
- Layers of (un)boundedness: The aspectual–quantificational interplay of quantifiers and partitive case in Finnish object arguments
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Introduction: Shades of partitivity: Formal and areal properties
- Partitive objects in negative contexts in Northern Italian Dialects
- Partitive determiners in Piedmontese: A case of language variation and change in a contact setting
- Indefinite determiners in informal Italian: A preliminary analysis
- Partitives, pseudopartitives and the preposition apo in Greek
- Breton a-marking of (internal) verbal arguments: A result of language contact?
- Convergence and divergence in the expression of partitivity in French, Dutch, and German
- On “partitive dislocation” in Sardinian: A Romance and Minimalist perspective
- Partitivity in Slavic-Romance language contact: The case of Molise Slavic in Italy
- Contact-induced change in the languages of Europe: The rise and development of partitive cases and determiners in Finnic and Basque
- Layers of (un)boundedness: The aspectual–quantificational interplay of quantifiers and partitive case in Finnish object arguments