Abstract
In this article, I consider Russian triclausal constructions (complex sentences including three clauses, one main and two dependent). More specifically, I analyze constructions where C1 (the main clause) embeds C2 (an embedded clause), while C2 in turn embeds C3. In the paper, I mainly concentrate on sentences where C2 is a clause with an unreal meaning, for instance, an argument clause hosted by the verb xotet’ ‘want’, and C3 is an adjunct (temporal) clause.
I pose the following questions:
How is tense assignment in C3 organized? Is it fully described by the rules of tense assignment that apply to biclausal structures?
The answer is that tense assignment in C3 varies significantly from one sentence to another: for instance, in C3 the tense can be interpreted with respect to the event in C2, which is atypical for Russian adjunct clauses. Moreover, in many cases all three of the existing variants (tense marking anchored to the moment of speech, to the event in C1, or to the event in C2) can be used.
Are there any syntactic phenomena that are typical for triclausal structures?
I claim that there is a special phenomenon, which can be called “syntactic doubling” or “copying,” whereby the verb form in C2 influences the form in C3. Importantly, the situation cannot be described in terms of classical form assignment, where the verb in C2 requires a particular form in C3: rather, the syntactic pattern of the verb in C2 allows different forms to be used in C3, the only requirement being that the forms in C3 and C2 are identical. Sometimes a version of doubling is also observed in biclausal structures, but only one of the types of doubling described here (doubling in argument clauses) can be found in biclausal constructions.
Another phenomenon specific to triclausal structures is represented by structures where C3 cannot be definitively assigned a structural position: in such cases it is unclear whether C3 is embedded under C1 or C2.
I conclude that triclausal constructions are not reducible to a combination of two biclausal constructions: C1 + C2 and C2 + C3. For the properties of C3, the properties of both C2 and C1 are relevant.
Acknowledgements
This study was supported by grant #16-18-02071 from the Russian Science Foundation. I am extremely grateful to the participants of the 2012 workshop on grammatical categories in Mainz and the 2014 conference in the memory of Jakov Grot in Moscow for extremely deep questions and fruitful discussion. I also thank the audience of my talks at the School of Linguistics of Higher School of Economics in 2014 and 2016. I would like to thank specially Vera Podlesskaya, Ekaterina Lyutikova, and Olga Pekelis for discussions and remarks.
Appendix. Abbreviations
- 1
1st person
- 2
2nd person
- 3
3rd person
- ACC
accusative
- ADJ
adjective
- COMP
complementizer
- COMPAR
comparative
- DAT
dative
- F
feminine
- FUT
future
- GEN
genitive
- IMP
imperative
- INF
infinitive
- INS
instrumental
- IPFV
imperfective
- IRR
irrealis
- LOC
locative
- M
masculine
- N
neuter
- NEG
negation
- PL
plural
- PRS
present
- PFV
perfective
- PST
past
- PURP
purpose marker/unreal complementizer čtoby
- REFL
reflexive
- SG
singular
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
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- Pathways to adversity and speaker affectedness: On the emergence of unaccusative ‘give’ constructions in Chinese
- The internally layered foot in Dutch
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- On tense and irrealis marking in triclausal constructions (and what distinguishes them from biclausal constructions)
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Reproducible research in linguistics: A position statement on data citation and attribution in our field
- Pathways to adversity and speaker affectedness: On the emergence of unaccusative ‘give’ constructions in Chinese
- The internally layered foot in Dutch
- Reproachatives and imperatives
- On tense and irrealis marking in triclausal constructions (and what distinguishes them from biclausal constructions)
- The word status of Chinese adjective-noun combinations
- Divergence in speech perception
- Notice from the Board of Editors