Abstract
The main purpose of this article is to present the mood system of Myanmar within the framework of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). The mood system of Myanmar is composed of two simultaneous systems: mood type and mood force. The former focuses on describing the methods of exchange including declarative, interrogative, and imperative, while the latter focuses on the “language force” embedded in the exchange. In this study, certain structures for Mood realization and Mood particles used by Myanmar speakers are presented for each type and subtype of the mood type and mood force systems of Myanmar. The findings show the interpersonal metafunction of Myanmar language makes an important contribution to further contrastive studies between the mood systems and their realizations of Myanmar and those of foreign languages.
1 Introduction
From the perspective of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL), the interpersonal metafunction represents the ways to enact our social relationships through language. The studies of mood[1] systems and their realizations of certain languages such as French by Caffarel (2004), Chinese by Halliday and McDonald (2004), and Japanese by Teruya (2004) are based on Halliday’s (1985, 1994 Mood-Residue structure and Matthiessen’s (1995) phonological prosody (intonation) and grammatical prosodies (juncture and internal).
In the mood system of English proposed by Halliday (see Halliday 1985, 1994; Halliday and Matthiessen 2004, 2014), Mood[2] structure is realized by the presence and ordering of Subject and Predicator. As the Hallidayan mood system does not put enough emphasis on semantics, Fawcett (2009) develops a semantic system network for mood in English. Fawcett (2009), however, does not provide a detailed account of the mood force system that measures the tension of the clause. Adapting Fawcett’s (2009) work, He et al. (2023) develop the mood network including the mood type and mood force systems. Different ways of exchanging information and goods-&-services in our social interactions are described by the mood type system, while the ways to achieve such exchanges are expressed by the mood force system. He et al. (2023) specify the features of the internal and external Mood force in their modified version of mood system. The former is an adaptation to Halliday’s (1985, 1994 modality[3] system concerned with the speaker’s Modal[4] commitments, while the latter expresses the speaker’s emotion through physical sound features of language such as degree and speed. The features of Mood force presented by He et al. (2023) are appliable to the semantic analysis of spoken Myanmar.
In view of previous studies of Mood and Modality in Myanmar which lack socio-semiotic concern, this study aims to fill the gap in the literature and presents the mood system of Myanmar from the Systemic Functional perspective based on He et al.’s (2023) new model of mood system, an appliable theory of investigating both function and form of Myanmar language.
In order to make the research findings more convincing and trustworthy, this study combines qualitative and quantitative research methods. By means of a qualitative research method, we explore the mood type and mood force systems of Myanmar based on the Mood analysis of different genres of Myanmar text, specifically literature, news articles, and SEAlang Library Burmese Corpus data. In the discussion section, we present the frequency of Mood types and Modality expressions used in the selected novel[5] by means of a quantitative research method. The result throws light on the interpersonal communication patterns used by Myanmar speakers and forms part of a larger contrastive study of mood systems in Myanmar and foreign languages.
2 Previous studies of Myanmar Mood and Modality
The descriptions of mood system within the framework of SFL concern Indo-European languages (including French by Caffarel [2004]; German by Steiner and Teich [2004]) and non-Indo-European languages (including Japanese by Teruya [2004]; Chinese by Halliday and McDonald [2004]; Vietnamese by Thai [2004]). To date, there has been no description of the mood system of Myanmar from a Systemic Functional perspective in literature. To provide such a perspective, this section will present a relevant literature review of studies on Myanmar Mood and Modality.
The studies of Myanmar Mood mainly focus on Mood functions and emotions (Bridges 1915; Lonsdale 1899; Myint Soe 1999; Rattanapitak 2013). Bridges (1915: 31–32) investigates the functions of Mood particles indicating Myanmar indicative and imperative Mood. Myint Soe (1999: 130–135) explores the functions of declarative Mood and tense particles. These scholars have attempted to express Mood functions from a functional/semantic approach, yet they do not reach a communicative goal on the grounds that they could not provide a satisfactory explanation for the prominence and hierarchy of Mood in social context.
According to Lonsdale (1899: 156), Mood represents “the action or state expressed by the verb.” Based on emotions, Lonsdale (1899: 156–164) categorizes Myanmar Mood into indicative (including negative, interrogative, and honorific), imperative (including optative and precative), and subjunctive. Rattanapitak (2013) studies request strategies in Myanmar based on emotions. Following Blum-Kulka et al. (1989), Rattanapitak (2013) presents different syntactic structures of three kinds of requests in Myanmar: direct requests, conventional and non-conventional indirect requests. From a traditional approach, these studies focus on the rules of syntax, falling short of the social context of meaning-making in spoken Myanmar.
The studies of Myanmar Modality largely focus on the semantic notions of Modality expressions in Myanmar verb phrases from both formal and semantic points of view (Vittrant 2005; Vittrant and Van der Auwera 2010). Vittrant (2005) categorizes Myanmar Modality into three types: clausal or objective Modality, subjective Modality, and speech Modality based on different types of Modality proposed by Palmer (1986), Bybee et al. (1994), Payne (1997), De Haan (1997), and Bhat (1999). Clausal Modality is analogous to Bybee et al.’s (1994: 44) agent-oriented Modality and Palmer’s (1986: 102) non-subjective or dynamic Modality. This type of Modality concerns external constraints (i.e. encouraging an agent to perform the action expressed in the verb) or internal conditions (i.e. semantic notions such as obligation, necessity, ability, and desire). Subjective Modality concerning the relationship between the speaker and his or her utterance is further divided into three subtypes: epistemic Modality, evidentials, and appreciative Modality. Epistemic Modality indicates the degree of the speaker’s commitment to the truth of the proposition. Evidentials express the source of the information about the occurrence of an event, while appreciative Modality expresses the speaker’s feelings, evaluations, and judgments about the event reported by the proposition. Speech Modality concerning the interaction between the speaker and the addressee is categorized into two subcategories: sentence Modality (including assertion, interrogation, and injunction) and illocutionary acts. This type of Modality is analogous to Bybee et al.’s (1994) speaker-oriented Modality and Palmer’s (1986: 96–97) subcategories of deontic Modality: directive category and imperative. Vittrant’s (2005) description of Myanmar Modality is much more mechanistic than functional.
Vittrant and Van der Auwera (2010) explore Myanmar epistemic Modality expressing the degree of certainty about the truth of the proposition based on Van der Auwera and Plungian’s (1998) Modality types. Vittrant and Van der Auwera’s (2010) study is limited to the type of epistemic Modality in Myanmar. Bias in the data collection also exists because it relies on Myanmar translational equivalents of English Modal markers in the source text, Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets by Joanne K. Rowling and its Myanmar translated text by Kyi Kyi Ma (2003). These studies did not identify the function of Myanmar Mood and Modality expressions focusing on their prominence and hierarchy under contextual situations. They, therefore, could not offer a satisfactory explanation of communicative purpose of Mood. In literature, there has been no description of the mood system of Myanmar so far despite the proliferation of descriptions of mood systems in different languages such as English (Fawcett 2009; Halliday 1985, 1994; Halliday and Matthiessen 2004, 2014; He et al. 2023), Chinese (Halliday and McDonald 2004; He et al. 2023; Li 2007), Japanese (Geng 2021, 2022; Teruya 2004), and so on. Consequently, there is a pressing need for a semantic system network for mood in Myanmar. In order to meet this need, this article intends to adopt Halliday’s Systemic Functional approach to the description of the mood system of Myanmar in which the meaning is driven by the context.
From a Systemic Functional approach, “Mood is defined as the area of language in which choices are made to assign communicative roles to the performer and the addressee; such choices are modeled in terms of a system network” (Fawcett 2009: 4). In the field of SFL, Halliday (1985, 1994 describes a set of explicit realization rules pertaining to each Mood type by the presence and ordering of Subject and Predicator. Thus, Halliday’s (1985, 1994 system network for mood in English is at the level of form. Fawcett (2009) develops a semantic system network for mood in English at the level of meaning, believing that Mood is a part of the meaning potential of a language. Taking account of the Mood functions that all languages possess, He et al. (2023) reconstruct a mood system network which is appliable to the descriptions of all languages.
In the mood system developed by He et al. (2023), the two systems are incorporated into mood type and mood force, with the latter adapted from Halliday’s Modality. The former conveys two main areas of meaning. The first meaning concerns giving and demanding information construed by indicative Mood, while the second one concerns the proposal for action construed by imperative Mood. Indicative Mood has two options: declarative for giving information and interrogative for demanding information. Exclamative Mood, a sub-type of declarative, offers a choice between straight and pseudo-straight. If the exclamative clause is straight, it offers five options: at the thing, at the quality of the thing, at the quantity of the thing, at the quality of the situation, and at the quantity of the situation.
Interrogative Mood representing speakers’ request for information is further divided into three subtypes: the polarity seeker (asking for yes or no), new content seeker (asking for participants and circumstantial elements), and choice of content (seeking the choice between different options). Polarity seekers can be either biased or unbiased. Each of them is further divided into two types: positive and negative polarity for the former, and basic and choice of polarity for the latter.
In the system network for mood constructed by He et al. (2023), imperative Mood includes three major types: target, softener, and imperative type. Target is further divided into four types: speaker, addressee, both speaker and addressee, and third party. Softener contains two major types: politeness marker and minimizer. Imperative type is further divided into six categories: directive, request (including two subtypes: for service and for goods), ruling, hope, suggestion (including two subtypes: proposal and recommendation), and wish. According to He et al. (2023), declarative, interrogative, and imperative Mood types have six tagging systems: basic, confirmation seeking, opinion seeking, agreement seeking, content seeking, and willingness seeking. These tagging systems are all found in Myanmar. A schema of indicative and imperative Mood, and their sub-entries is demonstrated in Figure 1.

A schema of indicative and imperative Mood, and their sub-entries (He et al. 2023).
The mood force system of Myanmar comprises two major types: internal and external. The internal mood force system representing the speaker’s Modal commitments is further divided into two types: default or non-default. Non-default form offers a choice between realis and irrealis. The former has two options: certainty and expectation (including two subtypes: expectedness and unexpectedness), while the latter offers a choice between modalization and modulation. Modalization expresses capability, necessity, and probability, while modulation expresses permission, inclination, and obligation. The external mood force system measures the speed of our utterances at three levels: fast, normal, and slow. It also measures the degree of force put on the clause through physical sound features to add to the tension of the clause. The degree of force is classified into three levels: high, middle, and low. These language features characterized by He et al. (2023) in their modified version of mood system make an important contribution to the semantic analysis of spoken text. Their framework has already been applied to the descriptions of mood systems of English (He et al. 2023), Chinese (He et al. 2023), and Japanese (Geng 2021, 2022), which proves to be workable in those languages. This article also applies He et al.’s (2023) framework illustrated in Figure 2 as its theoretical basis to test whether this framework is appliable or not to the description of the mood system of Myanmar.

The mood system developed by He et al. (2023).
3 The mood system of Myanmar
Language functions to interact with other people and expresses opinions about states or events. The main purpose of using language is to exchange information and goods-&-services. Such exchange can convey the interpersonal meaning of the clause (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 106, 2014: 134). Mood and Modality are two main language systems that play an important role in realizing the interpersonal meaning in Halliday’s SFL. mood is a system through which the interpersonal meaning is realized by choices that assign communicative roles to the interactants within the interaction, while Modality expressions signal the speaker’s attitude towards his/her proposition or proposal (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 147, 2014: 177). Following He et al.’s (2023) framework which is dedicated to the function of all languages, this section presents the mood system of Myanmar from a functional standpoint.
The mood system of Myanmar contains two sub-systems: mood type and mood force. The former describes exchanges of information or goods-&-services, while the latter describes the tension of the clause. The mood type system of Myanmar contains two major types: indicative (exchanging information) and imperative (exchanging goods-&-services). Indicative contains declarative and interrogative. Exclamative, a sub-type of declarative, is categorized into five types: at the thing, at the quality of the thing, at the quantity of the thing, at the quality of the situation, and at the quantity of the situation based on Fawcett’s (2009) semanticization. Interrogative Mood is categorized into three types: the polarity seeker, new content seeker, and choice of content based on the language features of Myanmar. Imperative Mood is further divided into six sub-categories: directive, request, ruling, hope, suggestion, and the statement of wish. The following sections will provide a detailed account of the mood type and mood force systems of Myanmar.
3.1 mood type in Myanmar
Speech functions are encoded by Mood types. In this section, the two main Mood types of Myanmar: indicative and imperative are presented with authentic examples. The following will present Myanmar indicative and imperative Mood and their subtypes by virtue of He et al.’s (2023) new model of mood system.
3.1.1 Indicative
Clauses with indicative Mood aim to exchange information. The speaker takes the role of information giver in clauses with declarative Mood while taking the role of information seeker in clauses with interrogative Mood. Declarative is the most frequently used one among all the Mood types. It has a positive and negative polarity. The basic word order in Myanmar is Subject ˆ Complement ˆ Predicator or Complement ˆ Subject ˆ Predicator. Myanmar shows rich variations of Mood particles. The frequently–used Mood particles in the positive polarity of Myanmar declaratives are the, i, bye, dé, mé, hmar, bé, chay, yaw, and dar, while Mood particles bue:, mahoke, mahokebue:, and ya typically mark the end of Myanmar declaratives with negative polarity. The word order in Myanmar declarative with positive polarity (Subject ˆ Complement ˆ Predicator) is shown in clause (1) as maaye:phyue (‘Ma Aye Phyu’) ˆ ga (subject marker) ˆ kyanortgabyarlaye: (‘my poem’) ˆ go (object marker) ˆ phatnaythe (‘is reading’). Like Japanese, Myanmar demonstrates dependence on morphological changes of the elements that realize predicators. Predicators in Myanmar can be realized by verbs (including copula) with morphemes indicating negation, tense, aspect, Mood, and various modalities such as probability, capability, obligation, and permission. Example (1) shows the predicator is realized by the verbal group including the verb phat ‘read’ and the post-verbal morphemes indicating progressive tense (-nay) and declarative Mood (-the). Such inflectional changes are commonly found in Myanmar verbs. Myanmar negative declarative demonstrates the same word order as the positive one. It is realized by the negator ma, as shown in Example (2).
| maaye:phyue-ga | kyanort-gabyar-laye:-go | phat-nay-the. | |
| Ma.Aye.Phyu-sbjmark | 1sg.m.gen-poem-dim-objmark | read-prog-postdecl.mpart | |
| ‘Ma Aye Phyu is reading my poem.’ | |||
| (Lae Twin Thar Saw Chit 2004: 8) | |||
| maaye:phyue-go | ma-myin-ya. |
| Ma.Aye-Phyu-objmark | neg-see-prs.negdecl.mpart |
| ‘Ma Aye Phyu is not seen.’ | |
| (Lae Twin Thar Saw Chit 2004: 2) | |
The two common tag questions: hokelarr and mahokelarr are added to Myanmar declaratives to seek confirmation of the validity of the information expressed in the clause from the addressee, as shown in Examples (3) and (4). They, therefore, function as confirmation seekers in Myanmar declaratives.
| matue: | pyanlar-bye | hokelarr. |
| Ma.Tu | return-pfv.postdecl.mpart | hasn’t.she? |
| ‘Ma Tu has returned, hasn’t she?’ | ||
| (Min Lu 1990: 3) | ||
| hla | narrhtaun-mé | mahokelarr. |
| Hla | listen-irr.ass | won’t.she? |
| ‘Hla will listen, won’t she?’ | ||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 47) | ||
Exclamative, a subtype of declarative, can be either straight or pseudo-straight (He et al. 2023). Myanmar exclamation is expressed in the pattern of “subject + predicator”. The Mood particle laiktar located at the end of the Examples (5)–(7) marks the straight exclamation. On the other hand, the pseudo-straight one is expressed in the interrogative pattern that is realized by the WH-element bélauk ‘How much’ and interrogative Mood particle thalè, as shown in Example (8). In the mood system network developed by He et al. (2023), the exclamative Mood contains five sub-categories: at the thing, at the quality of the thing, at the quantity of the thing, at the quality of the situation, and at the quantity of the situation. These five categories are all observed in Myanmar exclamatives, as supported by Examples (5)–(8).
| Exclamative: Straight: At the quality of the thing | |
| ein-gyee-ga | kyetthayayshi-laiktar! |
| house-aug-sbjmark | magnificent-exclm |
| ‘How magnificent the house is!’ | |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 120) | |
| Exclamative: Straight: At the quantity of the thing | |
| pèbinbauk-dway-ga-lè | myarr-laiktar! |
| bean.sprout-plmark-sbjmark-addconn | much-exclm |
| ‘What a lot of bean sprouts there are!’ | |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 158) | |
| Exclamative: Straight: At the quality of the situation | |||||||
| thue | lannshauk-tar | myan-laiktar! | |||||
| 3sg.nom | walk-compl | quick-exclm | |||||
| ‘How quickly he walks!’ | |||||||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||||||
| Exclamative: Pseudo-straight: At the quantity of the situation | |||
| thu-kyannmaryaye:-atwet | kyanordot | bélauk | soeyein-naykhètya-thalè! |
| 3sg.gen-health-objmark | 1pl.nom | how.much | worry-pst-int.mpart |
| ‘How much we were worried about her health!’ | |||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||
According to He et al. (2023), the interrogative Mood functioning to demand information contains three major types: the polarity seeker, new content seeker, and choice of content. Polarity seekers asking yes or no can be either biased or unbiased. The biased polarity seeker in Myanmar can be either a positive or negative statement, which can be confirmed or denied by the addressee. The Mood particles larr, malarr, lè, thalè, thanee, and myenee located at the end of the clauses mark the function of the biased polarity seeker in Myanmar, as shown in Examples (9) and (10).
| Polar: Biased: Positive | |
| mayre-yaw | thauk-pyee-pa-larr. |
| Mary-addconn | drink-pfv-polmark-int.mpart |
| ‘Have you drunk, Mary?’ | |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 102) | |
| Polar: Biased: Negative | ||
| maaye:phyue | akot-go | ma<chit>bue:-larr. |
| Ma.Aye.Phyu | 1sg.m-objmark | neg<love>negdecl.mpart-int.mpart |
| ‘Don’t you love me, Ma Aye Phyu?’ | ||
| (Lae Twin Thar Saw Chit 2004: 16) | ||
The unbiased polarity seeker in Myanmar has the juxtaposition of two interrogative clauses, as shown in Example (11).
| Polar: Unbiased | ||
| minn | thwarr-malarr | ma-thwarr-bue:-larr. |
| 2sg.nom | go-fut.int.mpart | neg-go-negdecl.mpart-int.mpart |
| ‘Will you go or not?’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
Myanmar speakers use a new content seeker to get the addressee to complete a proposition by supplying new information about the element that is replaced by the WH-elements béthue ‘who’, bar ‘what’, béhar ‘which’, bélauk ‘how many, how much’, bélo ‘how’, béhmar ‘where’, bagyaunt ‘why’, bédort ‘when’, béachein ‘when’, and baratwet ‘what for’. The new content seeker (i.e. the experiential element of the clause) can be either a Participant or a Circumstance. It is realized by the WH-element functioning as Subject, Complement, or Adjunct. The Mood particle lè located at the end of the clauses marks the function of the new content seeker in Myanmar, as shown in Examples (12) and (13).
| nin | bar | we-khet-lè. |
| 2sg.nom | what.acc | buy-pst-int.mpart |
| ‘What did you buy?’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
| ngwayhtoke | pyauk-tar | minn | bédorthma | thi-tha-lè. |
| packet.of.money | lost-nmlz | 2sg.nom | when | know-rls-int.mpart |
| ‘When do you know that the packet of money has been lost?’ | ||||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 20) | ||||
The speaker uses choice of content, a subtype of interrogative, to seek information about a piece of content by providing the addressee with two or more options for the piece of content to choose (Fawcett 2009: 27; He et al. 2023). The grammatical slot of a choice of content in Myanmar interrogative can be filled by Subject, Predicator, Complement, or Adjunct. Example (14) contains the juxtaposition of two interrogative clauses in which the addressee is provided with a chance to choose from two alternative pieces of content in Complement positions.
| korphe | thauk-malarr | letphetyay | thauk-malarr. |
| coffee | drink-irr.int.mpart | tea | drink-irr.int.mpart |
| ‘Will you drink coffee or tea?’ | |||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||
Tag is added to Myanmar interrogatives to seek confirmation of the validity of the information from the addressee (see Example 15).
| yeye-dot | de-pyaunn-nay-dar | thannthann | pyaw-laik-thalarr | hokelarr. |
| Ye.Ye-plmark | here-move-stay-compl | Than.Than | tell-pfv-int.mpart | didn’t she? |
| ‘Did Than Than tell you that we have moved here, didn’t she?’ | ||||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 198) | ||||
3.1.2 Imperative
Clauses with imperative Mood function to exchange goods-&-services. Myanmar imperatives functioning to direct the addressee to do something are formed by using the verbal root alone or the verbal root with Mood particles such as dort, laik, lay, onn, and zann. The politeness marker bar softens the tone of a very strong and peremptory command. In the mood system developed by He et al. (2023), the imperative Mood contains three major types: target, softener, and imperative type. There are four subtypes: the speaker, addressee, both speaker and addressee, and third party based on the target of the action to be performed in the clause (see Examples 16–19).
| Imperative: Target: Speaker | ||||||
| bwain | ama | thittar=nèt | eikyaleik-go | |||
| boy | 1sg(gen) | luggage=and.conj | sleeping.bag-objmark | |||
| ho-hlaygarr-aukga | akhann-htè | thé-thwarr-bar. | ||||
| dem-stairs-below.loc | room-into | bring-away-polmark | ||||
| ‘Bring my luggage and sleeping bag into that room below the stairs.’ | ||||||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 90) | ||||||
| Imperative: Target: Addressee | ||
| hohmar | kyi-zann | maaye:phyue. |
| over.there | look-imp.mpart | Ma.Aye.Phyu |
| ‘Look over there, Ma Aye Phyu!’ | ||
| (Lae Twin Thar Saw Chit 2004: 7) | ||
| Imperative: Target: both speaker and addressee | |||||
| ithar | denayt | ngardot | atuetue | htaminn | sarr-gya-ya.aun. |
| Ei.Thar | today | 1pl.nom | together | rice | eat-plmark-Let’s |
| ‘Ei Tha, let’s have lunch together today!’ | |||||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||||
| Imperative: Target: Third party | |
| thu-go | paye:<thwarr>laik-bar. |
| 3sg-objmark | let<go>-polmark |
| ‘Let him go!’ | |
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |
The politeness marker bar and minimizer nènèlauk ‘a little’ functioning as softener are inserted to soften the tone of a direct command in Myanmar, as shown in Example (20).
| nga-go | petsan | nènèlauk | chaye:-bar. |
| 1sg-objmark | money | a.little | lend-polmark |
| ‘Lend me some money?’ | |||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||
Tag question is added to Myanmar imperative to probe into the addressee’s agreement to do the action expressed in the clause, as shown in Example (21).
| nga-go | kuenye-bar. | kuenye-mé-malarr. |
| 1sg-objmark | help-polmark | help-irr.ass-int.mpart |
| ‘Help me, won’t you?’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
Imperative type is further divided into six subtypes: directive, request, ruling, hope, suggestion, and wish (He et al. 2023). The speaker uses a directive to make a command. Directive in Myanmar is typically realized by the Predicator with or without the Subject “you” (cf. Examples 22–23). The Mood particle dort located at the end of the clauses marks the function of directive, as shown in Example (22). The directive can be expressed in the pattern of “subject (you) + predicator”, with the clause-final politeness marker bar, as shown in Example (23).
| yat-tort. |
| stop-imp.mpart |
| ‘Stop!’ |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 68) |
| shin | dega | sauntnay-bar. |
| 2sg.nom | here | wait-polmark |
| ‘You wait here!’ | ||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 68) | ||
The speaker uses a request to appeal to the addressee for service or goods. Two major types of requests: for service and for goods are found in Myanmar, as shown in Examples (24) and (25).
| Imperative Type: Request: For service | |
| de-pannoe-laye: | shwayt-paye:-bar-larr. |
| dem-vase-dim | move-imp.mpart-polmark-int.mpart |
| ‘Please move this vase!’ | |
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |
| Imperative Type: Request: For goods | |||
| naytzin | zaye:phoe-bar | thonn-yar-lauk | paye:htarr-bar. |
| daily | food.price-addconn | three-hundred-about.ablmark | give-polmark |
| ‘Please give me three hundred kyats for the daily food price.’ | |||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 102) | |||
The speaker uses ruling to get the addressee to obey the rule. This type of imperative in Myanmar is expressed in the pattern of “complement + subject + predicator”. It is realized by the post-verbal obligatory marker ya, as shown in Example (26).
| Imperative Type: Ruling | ||
| kyama-seekann-go | khamyarrdot | laiknar-ya-leikmé. |
| 1sg.f(gen)-discipline-objmark | 2pl.nom | follow-oblg-irr.ass |
| ‘You will have to follow my discipline.’ | ||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 55) | ||
Another subtype of Myanmar imperative, hope, is expressed in the pattern of “subject + complement + predicator”, with the clause-final Mood particle saychin marking the optative function, as shown in Example (27).
| Imperative Type: Hope | |||
| ngar | minn-go | de-aloke | loke-saychin-dé. |
| 1sg.nom | 2sg-objmark | dem-job | do-opt-prs.postdecl.mpart |
| ‘I want you to do this job.’ | |||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||
In the mood system constructed by He et al. (2023), suggestion contains two major types: proposal and recommendation. Both types are found in Myanmar and realized by the clause-final Mood particles onn and thint marking the function of suggestion, as shown in Examples (28) and (29).
| Imperative Type: Suggestion: Proposal | |
| èdar | thin-bar-onn-larr. |
| this | learn-polmark-sugmark-int.mpart |
| ‘What about learning this!’ | |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 51) | |
| Imperative Type: Suggestion: Recommendation | ||
| thin | pepethatha | pyaw-thint-the. |
| 2sg.nom | clearly | speak-sugmark-postdecl.mpart |
| ‘You should speak clearly.’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
The statement of wish is realized by the verbal root followed by the Mood particle zay marking the optative function, as shown in Example (30).
| Imperative Type: Wish |
| aunmyin-bar-zay. |
| successful-polmark-opt |
| ‘Be successful!’ |
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) |
3.2 mood force in Myanmar
The mood force system of Myanmar contains two major types: internal and external. The former signals the speaker’s Modal commitments, while the latter describes the degree to which he commits himself to the validity of his proposition or the responsibility of his proposal. The internal mood force system of Myanmar contains two major types: default and non-default. The former indicates the statement that expresses no strong emotion on the proposition or proposal for action, while the latter indicates the speaker’s Modal commitments which can be either realis or irrealis. If the non-default clause has realis Mood, it shows either certainty or expectation. Expectation contains two major types: expectedness and unexpectedness (see Examples 31–32). In Example (31), the speaker commits himself to the validity of his proposition with the help of the Modal Adjunct dagé ‘really’. Example (32) represents the speaker’s unexpectedness in the action performed by the addressee.
| dagé | pyaw-dar-port. |
| really | tell-rls.ass-empmark |
| ‘I do tell.’ | |
| (Lae Twin Thar Saw Chit 2004: 20) | |
| minn | kot-amay-go | delo | pyaw-ya-larr. |
| 2sg.nom | 1sg.gen-mother-objmark | like.that | tell-oblg-int.mpart |
| ‘Should you tell your mother like that!’ | |||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |||
If the non-default clause has irrealis Mood, it offers a choice between modalization and modulation. In modalization, the speaker’s Modal commitments express capability, necessity, and probability to do the action described in the clause (see Examples 33–35). In modulation, the speaker’s Modal commitments express permission, inclination, and obligation to do the action described in the clause (see Examples 36–38).
| Modalization: capability | ||
| kaunnkaunn | thue | okechoke-nain-bar-dé. |
| well | 3sg.nom | manage-capamod-polmark-prs.postdecl.mpart |
| ‘She can manage well.’ | ||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 55) | ||
| Modalization: necessity | |
| aloke-dort | shar-hma-bè. |
| job-empmark | look.for-necmark-empmark |
| ‘It is necessary for me to look for a job.’ | |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 46) | |
| Modalization: probability | |
| moe | ywar-gaunn-ywar-nain-the. |
| rain | fall-prob-fall-capamod-postdecl.mpart |
| ‘Maybe it will rain.’ | |
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |
| Modulation: permission | ||
| minn | akhu | thwarr-nain-bye. |
| 2sg.nom | now | go-capamod-postdecl.mpart |
| ‘You can go now.’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
| Modulation: inclination | ||
| thetthet-dort | thannthann-dot-ein-go | |
| Thet.Thet-sbjmark | Than.Than-plmark(gen)-house-objmark | |
| ma-thwarr-chin-bar-bue: | ||
| neg-go-opt-polmark-negdecl.mpart | ||
| ‘Thet Thet does not want to go to Thet Thet’s house.’ | ||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 48) | ||
| Modulation: obligation | ||
| einhmukeiksa-arrlonn-go | minn | seman-saunywetpaye:-ya-leikmé. |
| housework-all-objmark | 2sg.nom | manage-carry.out-oblg-irr.ass |
| ‘You will have to do all the housework.’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
The external mood force system of Myanmar measures the degree of tension in the clause by virtue of high, middle, and low levels and speed of our utterances by virtue of fast, normal, and slow levels. Examples (39)–(41) illustrate the three levels of degree of tension in the clause. As shown in Example (39), the post-verbal augmentative marker laiktarhma ‘too’ signals the high degree of tension in the clause. Example (40) contains no physical sound feature that expresses strong emotion; therefore, it possesses the middle degree of tension in the clause. Example (41) contains the physical sound feature that weakens the degree of tension in the clause (i.e. a negator ma that is prefixed to the copula verb).
| External mood force: Degree: High | |||
| sharlot<ma>twayt=dortlay | seiknyit-laiktarhma | thetthet-yé | |
| find.out<ma>=conj | upset-aug | Thet.Thet-appel | |
| thay-chin-yaw. | |||
| die-opt-postdecl.mpart | |||
| ‘I am too upset to die when I don’t find it out, Thet Thet.’ | |||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 21) | |||
| External mood force: Degree: Middle | |||
| apyinbetga | lueoke-gyee-hmar | shetseik-myarr | |
| outside | procession-aug-sbjmark | shame-plmark | |
| phyarthwarr-the. | |||
| go.over.pfv-postdecl.mpart | |||
| ‘A wave of shame went over the whole procession.’ | |||
| (Htin Lin 1999: 32) | |||
| External mood force: Degree: Low | ||
| dar | shetzayar-hma | ma-hoke-tar. |
| this | shame-empmark | neg-cop-rls.ass |
| ‘This is not shame.’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
Speed, one of the indicators of the external mood force system of Myanmar, represents how fast you utter certain phrases in the clause when you want to stress them. It is classified into three levels: fast, normal, and slow. Myanmar speakers put an emphasis on the verbal phrase in the final position of the clause. Therefore, the verbal phrase is uttered faster than other phrases or groups in the clause. In Example (42), the verbal phrase barlokemalè ‘what will (you) do’ is uttered faster than other adjacent words because this emphatic verbal phrase functions to seek information that the speaker wants from the addressee.
| minn | akhu | thahtaye: | phyitlar-bye=sodort | bar-loke-ma-lè. |
| 2sg.nom | now | rich.man | become-postdecl.mpart=conj | what-do-irr-int.mpart |
| ‘What will you do now that you have become a rich man?’ | ||||
| (Htin Lin 1999: 52) | ||||
A default type of declarative that merely gives information is uttered with normal speed (see Example 43). Depending on the speaker’s emotional intensity, the speed of his/her utterance can vary. When the speaker is depressed, feels remorse, or lacks confidence, he/she speaks with slow speed as in Example (44).
| ngar | narrlé-dé. |
| 1sg.nom | understand-prs.postdecl.mpart |
| ‘I understand.’ | |
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | |
| ador-dot-hmar-lè | thuedot-galwèpyee | béthuehma | |
| aunty-plmark-sbjmark-addconn | 3pl-except.for | anyone | |
| arrkoezayarshidar-mahoke. | |||
| rely-neg.prs | |||
| ‘We have no one to rely on except for them.’ | |||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 30) | |||
It is found from the description that like English, Chinese, and Japanese, the mood system of Myanmar also fits the network developed by He et al. (2023) on the grounds that it demonstrates the common features of mood type and mood force systems among different languages, as characterized by He et al. (2023).
4 Discussion
Having described the mood system of Myanmar, this section analyzes the selected novel within He et al.’s (2023) framework to prove that it is appliable to the description of the interpersonal meaning in Myanmar, and the results of this study are convincing.
Like other human languages, there are three principal Mood types in Myanmar: declarative, interrogative, and imperative. Declarative and interrogative Mood types are subsumed under the category of indicative Mood. The mood force system contains two major types: internal and external. The former is closely related to the speaker’s Modal commitments, while the latter to the degree of tension in the clause. Modal verbs in Myanmar express capability, necessity, and probability in modalization; and permission, inclination, and obligation in modulation. Most of them appear as Modal auxiliaries, Modal adverbs, or mental state predicates. Table 1 illustrates the frequency of Mood types found in the selected novel.
The frequency of Mood types found in the selected novel.
| Mood type | Number of occurrences | Frequency (%) |
|---|---|---|
| Declarative | 3836 | 87% |
| Interrogative | 320 | 7% |
| Imperative | 275 | 6% |
| Total | 4431 | 100% |
As indicated in Table 1, declarative Mood is the most frequently used type out of the three in the selected novel as it accounts for the largest proportion (i.e. 87% of the whole text). The frequencies of interrogative and imperative Mood types are not quite different, which account for 7 and 6% of the whole text respectively.
It is found from the Mood analysis of the selected novel that tag questions, such as makaunnbue:larr, hokelarr, and mahokelarr can be added to Myanmar declarative, interrogative, and imperative to seek confirmation, opinion, agreement, content, and willingness, as shown in Examples (45)–(49).
| Declarative: Tag: opinion seeker | ||||
| hla | ue:myagyee-go | de | khorlar-mé-lay, | |
| Hla | U.Mya.Gyi-objmark | here | bring-irr.ass-eupmark | |
| ma-kaunn-bue:-larr. | ||||
| neg-nice-negdecl.mpart-int.mpart | ||||
| ‘Wouldn’t it be nice if Hla will bring U Mya Gyi here?’ | ||||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 24) | ||||
| Declarative: Tag: agreement seeker | |||||
| hla | narrhtaun-mé | mahokelarr. | |||
| Hla | listen-irr.ass | won’t.she? | |||
| ‘Hla will listen, won’t she?’ (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 47) | |||||
| Declarative: Tag: confirmation seeker | |||||
| darphyint | kyama | thu-go | béhmarhma | ||
| so | 1sg.f.nom | 2sg-objmark | anywhere | ||
| aloke<ma>win-khainn-bue: | hokelarr. | ||||
| job<neg>enter-ask.to-negdecl.mpart | do I? | ||||
| ‘So I don’t ask her to do the job anywhere, do I?’ | |||||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 56) | |||||
| Interrogative: Tag: content seeker | |
| asaykhan-aloke-pè | mahokelarr. |
| servant-job-empmark | isn’t.it? |
| ‘It’s a job as a servant, isn’t it?’ | |
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 58) | |
| Imperative: Tag: agreement seeker | ||
| deatainn | loke | hokepyelarr. |
| like.that | do | ok? |
| ‘Do like that, ok?’ | ||
| (Journal Kyaw Ma Ma Lay 1957: 109) | ||
In Example (50), the speaker uses the clause-final Mood particle nor to seek confirmation from the addressee.
| Imperative: Tag: confirmation seeker | ||
| ngar | pyaw=detatainn | loke-nor. |
| 1sg | say=conj | do-ok? |
| ‘Do as I say, ok?’ | ||
| (http://sealang.net/burmese/bitext.htm) | ||
He et al. (2023) supplement previous descriptions of mood system of English put forward by Halliday (1985, 1994, Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, 2014), and Fawcett (2009) with the mood force system that contains two major types: internal and external. The former explores the speaker’s Modal commitments, while the latter measures emotional intensity by means of the physical sound features of language such as speed and degree. Table 2 illustrates Modality expressions functioning as Modal auxiliaries, Modal adverbs, or mental state predicates that are commonly found in Myanmar.
The grammatical functions of Modality expressions in Myanmar.
| Modal auxiliaries | Modal adverbs | Mental state predicates | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Internal non-default realis mood force | Certainty | – | dagé ‘really’, thaycharbauk ‘certainly’ | – |
| Expectation | thint ‘should’ | – | – | |
| Internal non-default irrealis mood force (Modalization) | Capability | nain ‘can, be able to’, tet ‘can, be able to’ |
– | – |
| Necessity | yaleikmé ‘will have to’ | – | – | |
| Probability | nain ‘may’ | – | htindé ‘(I) think’, htinbaryèt ‘(I) think’, htindarbè ‘(I) think’, mathibue: ‘(I) don’t know’, hmanchinhmanleikmébya ‘maybe it’s right’, phyitchinphyitmé ‘maybe’, kyaikchinhmakyaikhmar ‘maybe (he/she) likes’ | |
| Internal non-default irrealis mood force (Modulation) | Permission | nain ‘can, be allowed to’ | – | – |
| Inclination | chin ‘want, wish’ | – | – | |
| Obligation | yamé ‘must, have to’, nayyadar ‘have to’ | – | – |
5 Conclusion
This study presented the mood system of Myanmar from the Systemic Functional perspective following the network developed by He et al. (2023). It found that the mood system of Myanmar is composed of mood type and mood force systems. The mood type system of Myanmar is divided into indicative and imperative. The former indicates the exchange of information, while the latter of goods-&-services. Indicative contains declarative for giving information and interrogative for seeking information. Exclamative, a sub-type of declarative, can be either straight or pseudo-straight. If the exclamative is straight, it contains five sub-categories: at thing, at the quality of thing, at the quantity of thing, at the quality of situation, and at the quantity of situation. There are three major types of interrogative in Myanmar: polarity seeking, new content seeking, and choice of content. Imperative in Myanmar contains three sub-systems: target, softener, and imperative type. The target of imperative can be speaker, addressee, both speaker and addressee, and third party. The two major types of softener: politeness marker and minimizer weaken the tone of the command in Myanmar. There are six sub-categories in Myanmar imperative type: directive, request, ruling, hope, suggestion, and wish.
The mood force system of Myanmar is composed of internal and external mood force embedded in the exchange. The internal mood force system of Myanmar is categorized into default and non-default types. Non-default type of internal mood force contains two sub-categories: realis and irrealis. The former represents certainty and expectation, while the latter is further classified into modalization and modulation. Modalization represents capability, necessity, and probability, while modulation indicates permission, inclination, and obligation. The external mood force system of Myanmar consists of two indicators of language force embedded in the exchange: degree and speed. The former is categorized into high, middle, and low levels, while the latter into fast, normal, and slow levels. These findings show the functional prominence of Myanmar reflected in the description of Mood functions and the realizations. They may contribute to a better understanding of the social interactional patterns of Myanmar.
The present work proves that He et al.’s (2023) framework can also be applied to the description of the mood system of Myanmar, which shows the commonness of Mood functions among different languages. This study has clear implications for further research on the contrastive study of mood systems between Myanmar and foreign languages.
Abbreviations
- 3pl
-
third person plural
- 1sg
-
first person singular
- 2sg
-
second person singular
- 3sg
-
third person singular
- ablmark
-
ablative marker
- acc
-
accusative
- addconn
-
additive connective
- affmark
-
affectionate marker
- all
-
allative
- ana
-
anaphoric
- appel
-
appellative
- assoc
-
associative
- capamod
-
capability Modality
- caus
-
causative
- clf
-
classifier
- cmpr
-
comparative
- com
-
comitative
- comp
-
complementizer
- compa
-
compassion
- conj
-
conjunction
- conn
-
connective
- cop
-
copula
- dat
-
dative
- decl.mpart
-
declarative Mood particle
- det
-
determiner
- dim
-
diminutive
- du
-
dual
- empmark
-
emphatic marker
- eupmark
-
euphonic marker
- excl
-
exclusive
- exper
-
experiential
- f
-
female
- fut
-
future
- gen
-
genitive
- imp.mpart
-
imperative Mood particle
- incl
-
inclusive
- inf
-
infinitive
- ins
-
instrumental
- int.mpart
-
interrogative Mood particle
- loc
-
locative
- m
-
male
- mod
-
modifier
- necmark
-
necessity marker
- neg
-
negative
- negdecl.mpart
-
negative declarative Mood particle
- nom
-
nominative
- objmark
-
object marker
- oblg
-
obligation
- opt
-
optative
- pfv
-
perfective
- plmark
-
plural marker
- polmark
-
polite marker
- postdecl.mpart
-
positive declarative Mood particle
- prog
-
progressive
- prs
-
present
- pst
-
past
- purp
-
purposive
- refl
-
reflexive
- rel
-
relative
- sbjmark
-
subject marker
- sup
-
superlative
Funding source: the Major Program of National Social Science Fund of China
Award Identifier / Grant number: 19ZDA319
Acknowledgments
We would like to express our special thanks to Professor Wei He for her valuable suggestions. We also want to express our sincere gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments, to the glossing team of the Major Program of National Social Science Fund of China “Database Construction of Language Resources of Those Countries along the Belt and Road and Contrastive Studies between Chinese and Foreign Languages” (grant number 19ZDA319) for their help with the Leipzig glossing, and to Dr. Su Tin for proofreading earlier versions of this article.
-
Research funding: This study was funded by the Major Program of National Social Science Fund of China (grant number 19ZDA319).
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© 2023 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Research Articles
- Developing and contributing to systemic functional translation studies in China: an interview with Professor Guowen Huang
- The mood system of Myanmar
- A contrastive ecological discourse analysis of the General Debate statements by the US and China at the United Nations General Assembly (2017–2020)
- The year’s work in ecolinguistics 2022
- Determinants of language change in the Gurage area of Ethiopia
- The relationship between multilingual ability and poverty in Southwest China
- Book Reviews
- Christian M. I. M. Matthiessen, Bo Wang, Yuanyi Ma & Isaac N. Mwinlaaru (eds.). 2022. Systemic functional insights on language and linguistics. Singapore: Springer, xxii+313pp. ISBN: 978-981-16-8712-9 (hbk).
- Li Wang. 2023. Modern Chinese grammar (volumes I–IV). Abingdon & New York: Routledge.
- Yumin Chen. 2022. Interpersonal meaning in multimodal English textbooks. London: Bloomsbury, xii+212. ISBN: 978-1-350-07494-1(hbk).
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Research Articles
- Developing and contributing to systemic functional translation studies in China: an interview with Professor Guowen Huang
- The mood system of Myanmar
- A contrastive ecological discourse analysis of the General Debate statements by the US and China at the United Nations General Assembly (2017–2020)
- The year’s work in ecolinguistics 2022
- Determinants of language change in the Gurage area of Ethiopia
- The relationship between multilingual ability and poverty in Southwest China
- Book Reviews
- Christian M. I. M. Matthiessen, Bo Wang, Yuanyi Ma & Isaac N. Mwinlaaru (eds.). 2022. Systemic functional insights on language and linguistics. Singapore: Springer, xxii+313pp. ISBN: 978-981-16-8712-9 (hbk).
- Li Wang. 2023. Modern Chinese grammar (volumes I–IV). Abingdon & New York: Routledge.
- Yumin Chen. 2022. Interpersonal meaning in multimodal English textbooks. London: Bloomsbury, xii+212. ISBN: 978-1-350-07494-1(hbk).