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On the number of object markers in Bantu languages

  • Michael R. Marlo EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: July 4, 2015

Abstract

This paper describes the morphosyntactic diversity among Bantu languages in the number of pre-stem and post-stem object markers (OMs) that are allowed and discusses the factors responsible for this diversity. The number of OMs is sometimes highly restricted and sometimes seemingly unrestricted. Some languages have only pre-stem marking of objects; some have only post-stem marking; and some have both pre-stem and post-stem marking. Person-number, animacy, and locative noun classes are the basis for a number of morphosyntactic asymmetries in individual systems in whether objects are marked before or after the stem, though other factors such as grammatical relations are also involved. A handful of types of OMs, including locatives and the 1sg and reflexive markers, commonly allow languages to circumvent restrictions on object marking, allowing one more OM than usual. The number of OMs is also restricted by certain syntactic configurations such as passivization. A number of other issues that are important general considerations in the syntax of Bantu languages are shown to have at most a secondary role in determining the number of OMs that are allowed.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Felix Ameka, Lee Bickmore, Vicki Carstens, Michael Diercks, Derek Gowlett, Brent Henderson, Larry Hyman, Emmanuel-Moselly Makasso, Sophie Manus, Lutz Marten, Abel Mreta, Peter Muriungi, Ibirahim Njoya, David Odden, Cédric Patin, Rodrigo Ranero, Kristina Riedel, Philip Rudd, Jochen Zeller, and two anonymous reviewers for providing helpful feedback on this paper. I would also like to acknowledge the University of Missouri Research Council, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the National Science Foundation for support that contributed to the development of this paper. Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the University of Missouri, the NEH, or the NSF.

Appendix I: Languages

Guthrie numbers are taken generally from Maho (2009). When particular varieties are not listed separately in Maho (2009), as in the case of Tura, the higher level group in which they should appear is listed, e.g. JE30. The group level is also listed in case it is not known which variety of, e.g. Shona, is intended by the author of a particular reference. Sometimes higher level groups are the intended reference (e.g. Luyia, Nguni), in which case the group level is also listed. A handful of language names (e.g. Buyu, Noho) are not listed in Maho, in which case the classifications in the Ethnologue (Lewis et al. 2013) are used.

AkooseA15CLwenaK14
AsuG22MabihaP25
BaboleC101MagisaA63
BafiaA53MakaaA83
BakweriA22Makhuwa (Enahara)P31e
BankonA42Makhuwa (Ikorovere)P31g
BasaaA43aMakondeP23
BembaM42ManyangaH16b
BendeF12MarachiJE342
BengaA34MatumbiP13
BinjaL231MbalaH41
BomaB74bMbesaC51
BomitabaC14MbeteB61
BondeiG24MbongeA121
BudyaL201MboshiC25
BujebaA81MbunduH21
BukusuJE31cMeruE53
BuyuD55MitukuD13
Chaga (Vunjo)E622cMkotaB25
ChewaN31bMongoC61
CokweK11MpongweB11a
Comorian (Maore)G44DMwaniG403
DcirikuK332MweraP22
DualaA24MwiiniG412
DumaB51MyeneB11
DzingB86NandeJD42
EnyaD14NdegeneseC81
EwondoA72NdongaR22
FangA75NduumoB63
FioteH16dNgombeC41
FuliiruJD63NkoreJE13
GalwaB11cNkoyaL60
GandaJE15NohoA32
GiryamaE72aNsengaN41
GogoG11NtanduH16g
HaJD66Nyala WestJE18
HavuJD52NyaliD33
HayaJE22NyamboJE21
HeheG62NyangaD43
HemaJE121NyaturuF32
HembaL31NyoleJE35
HereroR30NyoreJE33
HoloholoD28NzebiB52
HoluL12b (H33)OmboC76
HunguL12b (H33)Pare (Mbagha)G22B
IkizuJE402PhuthiS404
IrangiF33PogoroG51
JitaJE25PunuB43
KaguluG12RongaS21F
KakoA93RundiJD62
KalangaS16RuriJE253
KambaE55RuwundL53
KanyokL32RwandaJD61
KaondeL41SaamiaJE34
KareD301SakataS34
KelaC75SambaaG23
KereweJE24SenaN44
KeteL21ShiJD53
KgalagariS311ShonaS10
KhayoJE341Shona (Manyika)S13
KikuyuE51SogaJE16
KongoH16SogoC53
KonzimeA842SothoS30
KotiP311SukuH32
KpaA53SukumaF21
KuriaJE43SumbwaF23
KwangaliK33SwahiliG41-G43
KwanyamaR21SwatiS43
KwezoL13TaabwaM41
LambaM54TekeB70
LangiF33TharakaE54
LegaD25TirikiJE413
Lega (Beya)D25TongaM64
LibinzaC321TsootsoJE32b
LingaC502TswanaS31
LingalaC30BTumbukaN21
LondoA11TuraJE30
LoziK21UmbunduR11
LubaL30WamboR20
Luba (Kasai)L31aWangaJE32a
Luba (Shaba)L30WisaM51
LucaziK13XhosaS41
LuguruG35YakaH31
LuluaL31YanziB85
LundaL52YaoP21
LunguM14YeyiR41
LuvaleK14ZomboH16h
LuyanaK31ZuluS42

Appendix II: Additional examples

In this appendix, I provide some additional examples from the literature, supplpementing data provided above. Forms with multiple OPs are in (69) – (77), forms with 1 OP and 1 object enclitic are in (78), locative OPs are in (79), locative enclitics are in (80), and locative OPs and enclitics are in (81).

(69)

3 OPs in Haya (Duranti and Byarushengo 1977: 63–66)

a.
kat’á-ka-ki-ga-mú[siig-is-a]
Kato1-pst-7-6-2[smear-inst-fv]

‘Kato smeared it (cl. 6, oil) on him with it (cl. 7, handkerchief).’

b.
kat’á-ka-gi-bi-mú[cumb-il-il-á]mu
Kato1-pst-9-8-1[cook-appl-appl-fv]18

‘Kato cooked them (cl. 8, bananas) for him in it (cl. 9, pot).’

c.
kat’á-ka-ga-b-éé[siig-il-a]
Kato1-pst-6-2-refl[smear-appl-fv]

‘Kato smeared it (cl. 6, oil) on himself for them.’

d.
kat’á-ka-bi-gu-mu[shál-iz-a]
Kato1-pst-8-3-1[cut-appl.inst-fv]

‘Kato cut them (cl. 8, bananas) for him with it (cl. 3, knife).’

e.
kat’á-ka-ga-ba-mú[siig-il-a]
Kato1-pst-6-2-1[smear-appl-fv]

‘Kato smeared it (cl. 6, oil) on him for them.’

f.
kat’á-ka-gu-mw-éé[shal-iz-a]
Kato1-pst-3-1-refl[smear-appl.inst-fv]

‘Kato cut himself for him with it (cl. 3, knife).’, ‘Kato cut him for himself with it (cl. 3, knife).’, ‘Kato caused himself to cut it (cl. 3, knife) for him.’

(70)

3 OPs in Hema (Mugisa 2011: 13)

a.
omuseijaa-ka[he-er-a]omukaziomwaanaomubazi
man1-pst[give-appl-fv]womanchildmedicine

‘The man gave the medicine to the child for the woman.’

b.
omuseijaa-ka-gu-mu-mu[he-er-a]
man1-pst-4-1-1[give-appl-fv]

‘The man gave it (cl. 4) to him for her.’

(71)

3 OPs in Kerewe (David Odden, p.c.)

a-ku-tú-bá-mú[mwees-ez-y-a]

1-fut-1pl-2-1[shave-appl-caus-fv]

‘He will cause us to shave them for her.’

(72)

3 OPs in Kgalagari (Crane 2009: 242)

χʊ-mʊ́-χʊ́-ŋ́[kɛl-eːl-a]

inf-1-2sg-1sg[show-appl-fv]

‘to show you me for him’

(73)

3 OPs in Nkore (Poletto 1998b: 362–363)

a.a-ka-ji-ba-kú[tweec-er-ir-a]b.a-ka-ga-ba-kú[h-eer-a]
1-pst-9-2-2sg[send-appl-appl-fv]1-pst-6-2-2sg[give-appl-fv]
‘He sent it (cl. 9) to them for you.’‘He gave it (cl. 6) to them for you
c.a-ka-ga-ba-mú[h-eer-a]d.a-ka-ba-ku-mw[ééj-es-ez-a]
1-pst-6-2-1[give-appl-fv]1-pst-2-15-1[learn-caus-appl-fv]
‘He gave it (cl. 6) to them for her.’‘He taught them it (cl. 15) for her.’
e.a-ka-ga-ba-mú[shab-ir-a]
1-pst-6-2-1[ask-appl-fv]
‘He asked them for it (cl. 6) for her.’
(74)

3 OPs in Sambaa (Riedel 2009: 60)

n-za-ha-chi-m[nk-a]Stellakitabuhaja
1sg-pfv.dj-16-7-1[give-fv]1.Stella7.book16.dem

‘I gave Stella a book there.’

(75)

3 OPs in Tswana (Cole 1955: 431–432)

a.
ke-tla[kwal-êl-êl-a]ngwanabatsadilokwalô
1sg-fut[write-appl-appl-fv]1.child2.parents11.letter

‘I will write a letter to the parents on behalf of the child.’

b.

ke-tla-lo-ba-mu[kwal-êl-êl-a]

1sg-fut-11-2-1[write-appl-appl-fv]

‘The man gave it (cl. 11) to them for her.’

(76)

2 OPs in Asu (Abel Mreta, p.b.) [26]

a-ha-m[dhor-iri-aa-ha-ni[inga]
1-16-1[buy-appl-fv]1-16-1sg[give-fv]
‘S/he has bought this place for him/her.’‘S/he has given me this place.’
(77)

2 OPs in various languages (Polak 1986: 404)

a.

Dciriku

nà[sha̋n-a]kú-bȉ-mù[ba̋k-a]

1sg[like-fv] inf-8-2pl[steal-fv]

‘I would like to steal them (cl. 8) for you (pl.).’

b.

Lwena

tu-na-zyi-mi[túmb-e]

1pl-pres-10-2pl[plant-fv]

‘We are planting them (cl. 10) for you (pl.).’

c.

Taabwa

b-aá-mú-bá[tum-ɪ́n-á]

2-pst-1-2[send-appl-fv]

‘They just sent him to them.’

(78)

1 OP and 1 object enclitic

a.

Luba-Shaba (Polak 1986: 371)

b-aa-mu[pot-el-e]byo

2-pst-1[buy-appl-fv]8

‘They bought them (cl. 8) for him/her.’

b.

Lucazi (Fleisch 2000: 75)

nji-na-mu[hán-a]yo

1sg-ant-1[give-fv]5/9

‘I have given it (cl. 5/9) to her.’

c.

Lunda (Kawasha 2002: 39, 41)

n-a-mw[ink-á]wu

1sg-pst-1[give-fv]3

‘I gave it (cl. 3) to him.’

d.

Luvale (Horton 1949: 191)

na-li[fumis-a]lyo

1sg-refl[remove-fv]5

‘He has removed it for himself.’

(79)

Locative OPs

a.

Mbagha Pare (David Odden, p.c.)

ku-há[vón-a]te-vé-ka-há[rúghíy-é]
inf-16[see-fv]neg-2-fut-16[cook-fv]

‘to see there’  ‘They won’t cook there.’

b.

Nsenga (Marten and Kula 2012: 243; Marten et al. 2007: 263)

ku-Lilongwen-a-ku[ziw-a]
17-Lilongwe1sg-pres-17[know-fv]

‘Lilongwe I know it (there).’

c.
Swahili (Thwala 2006: 216)
ni-na-pa[ju-a]
1sg-pres-16[know-fv]
‘I know it (there).’
d.
Tswana (Marten and Kula 2012: 243)
ke-a-gó[its-e]
1sg-pres-17[know-fv]
‘I know it (there).’
(80)

Locative enclitics

a.

Holoholo (Coupez 1955: 128)

w-áá[twál-á]n-omúkeléw-áá[bíík-á]mo
1-pst[carry-fv]also-salt1-pst[put-fv]18

‘He also brought salt, he put (it) inside.’

b.

Kwanyama (Halme 2004: 73)

o-há-tu-ké-shi-lí[mon-én-á]ko

iv-tns-1pl-tns-7-refl[see-appl-fv]17

‘We will see it there by ourselves.’

c.

Musumban Ruwund (Nash 1992: 564)

ku-ka-ji-ku[send-ang-a-aañ-à]ku

inf-and-10-2sg[carry-hab-fv-pl-fv]17

‘to regularly go and carry them (cl. 10) off from you (pl.) there (cl. 17)’

d.

Umbundu (Schadeberg 1990: 29)

ka-tw-á-ka-va-u[pandw-íl-il-ì]kó

neg-1pl-pst-and-2-2sg[thank-appl-pst-pl]17

‘We did not go there to thank them for you (pl.).’

e.

Yeyi (Seidel 2008: 393)

ka-ti[yis-a]mi-tiyemi-ndji.ka-ti[bik-a]po
1-nar[take-fv]4-tree4-many1-nar[put-fv]16

‘He took many sticks and put them there.’

(81)

Locative prefixes and enclitics

a.

Bemba (Riedel and Marten 2012: 284)

n-alí-pá[món-á]n-alí[món-á]mó
1sg-pst-16[see-fv]1sg-pst[see-fv]18
‘I saw it (i.e. that place there).’‘I looked inside.’
b.

Chewa (Alsina and Mchombo 1990: 504)

a-leenjea-ku-pá[lúk-ir-á]mí-kéeka(pa-m-cheenga)
2-hunters2-pres-16[weave-appl-fv]4-mats16-3-sand
‘The hunters are weaving mats on it, the beach.’
ku-mu-dzi a-ku[fún-á] kutíalěndo a[bwer-ê]ko
17-3-village 1-prog[want-fv]comp visitors2[come-sbjv]17

‘To the village, he wants visitors to come there.’

c.

Ha (Harjula 2004: 64, 133)

a-honda-ha[pfiir-a]nd-a-rá[baram-iiy-e]yó
dem-161sg-16[die-fv]1sg-pst-foc[visit-appl-pfv]23

‘There I can die.’ ‘I have already visited (it).’

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