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The paradigm of the word for ‘house, home’ in Old Irish and related issues

  • Michael Weiss
Published/Copyright: October 7, 2017
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Indogermanische Forschungen
From the journal Indogermanische Forschungen Volume 122 Issue 1

Abstract

Old Irish inherited the PIE root noun *doms ~ dm̥- ‘home’, which is reflected chiefly in the fixed locution [Verb of motion] dia daim ‘(go) to (one’s) home’. From the remnants of this ablauting, feminine root noun speakers created a somewhat anomalous i-stem, doim, doma. In addition Old Irish probably inherited a thematic masculine *domos continued mainly in the collocation dom/dam liac ‘house of stone, cathedral’, though the possibility of a Latin loan cannot be entirely excluded. A further trace of the root noun *dom- ~ *dm̥- is seen in déis ‘clientele’, which continues *dm̥-sth2i- ‘located in the house’. This proto-form, suggested by de Bernardo Stempel (NWÄI), has a close formal match in Lith. dimstis ‘courtyard’ and is reminiscent of Lat. domesticus ‘of the household’. This Latin form is shown to be of prehistoric origin despite its relatively late date of attestation. The possibility is explored that domesticus may be a remodeled reflex of the same compound inherited by Old Irish and Lithuanian, although domesticus may also be an inner- Latin formation.

Published Online: 2017-10-7
Published in Print: 2017-9-26

© 2017 by Walter de Gruyter Berlin/Boston

Articles in the same Issue

  1. Titelei
  2. Inhalt
  3. Some remarks on dicens in Late Latin texts
  4. A shared substrate between Greek and Italic
  5. The paradigm of the word for ‘house, home’ in Old Irish and related issues
  6. Towards the prosodic structure of infinitive formations in Baltic and Slavic and its diachronic implications
  7. The development of the Proto-Indo-European instrumental suffix in Germanic
  8. Position as a behavioral property of subjects
  9. Between the historical languages and the reconstructed language
  10. Vocalic elements and prosody in Slavic comparatives
  11. Luwic *mar-
  12. Sidetic masara ↑ue[
  13. Armenian hołm ‘wind’, Greek πόλεμος ‘war’
  14. Schimpfen und Fluchen im Luwischen
  15. Das Suffix *-u̯ó- im Indogermanischen und Anatolischen
  16. An agreement between the Sardians and the Mermnads in the Lydian language?
  17. The Old Hittite and the Proto-Indo-European tense-aspect system
  18. Die Pronominal‑ und Partikelkette in den altanatolischen Sprachen
https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0003

Articles in the same Issue

  1. Titelei
  2. Inhalt
  3. Some remarks on dicens in Late Latin texts
  4. A shared substrate between Greek and Italic
  5. The paradigm of the word for ‘house, home’ in Old Irish and related issues
  6. Towards the prosodic structure of infinitive formations in Baltic and Slavic and its diachronic implications
  7. The development of the Proto-Indo-European instrumental suffix in Germanic
  8. Position as a behavioral property of subjects
  9. Between the historical languages and the reconstructed language
  10. Vocalic elements and prosody in Slavic comparatives
  11. Luwic *mar-
  12. Sidetic masara ↑ue[
  13. Armenian hołm ‘wind’, Greek πόλεμος ‘war’
  14. Schimpfen und Fluchen im Luwischen
  15. Das Suffix *-u̯ó- im Indogermanischen und Anatolischen
  16. An agreement between the Sardians and the Mermnads in the Lydian language?
  17. The Old Hittite and the Proto-Indo-European tense-aspect system
  18. Die Pronominal‑ und Partikelkette in den altanatolischen Sprachen
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