Green and single: The role of green distinction among environmentalists

Research sample

I took a random sample of 1,000 green single profiles from 58 countries. Based on the observed frequencies, it is possible to gain an approximate idea of who becomes a client of an international green dating site. Most frequently, the clients are residents of the USA (46%), less frequently the UK (16%) and Canada (11%); the average age for men is 35.2 years old and 35 for women. Most are Caucasian (85.1%), and there are some Latin Americans (3.6%) and Asians (2.7%). Heterosexuals dominate (95.8%). Almost half of them have a college education (48.8%). Most clients work in the tertiary sector (63.3%), most often in healthcare, education or non-governmental organizations and a smaller number are self-employed (11.7%). Some of them are still students (11.2%).^[7] Most are not affiliated with any religious denomination, but believe in God (46.4%). Politically speaking, they have more left-leaning views and include liberals (25.5%) and socialists (16.4%).^[8] Most of them live in a single-person household (48.1%) or with roommates (29.7%). A large majority of them do not live with children,^[9] nor do they have children (81.9%). However, a significant number of clients would like to have children (80.2%). As far as relationships are concerned, they are understandably single (99.7%), while 87.9% have always been single, 9.6% are divorced or separated (2.1%).

The clients of green dating sites make up a colorful patchwork of singles with differing motivations and ways of life. Despite this, they are all looking for a partner on the same sites and identify with the general term ‘green single’. For the purposes of this investigation I consider green singles to be a neo-tribe. In the following part, I present the green codes and green scripts which are used by environmentalist to produce and reproduce the boundaries of the environmental movement’s cultural world.

Individualization of environmental responsibility

Narratives related to the individualization of environmental responsibility were prominent in the analyzed data and represent scripts important to the identity of green singles. For example Solei, a female Buddhist activist, proclaims: “I am very committed to leaving a liveable planet for our children and for all species.” The script of individual responsibility plays an important role in green singles activism and way of life. Responsibility is portrayed by green singles as meaning greater autonomy resulting in the depoliticization and individualization of environmental problems (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002, p. 139; Maniates, 2001). Self-presenting as being responsible plays a key role in demonstrating membership of a ‘green tribe’. The majority of green singles write statements similar to Ecodivawannabe’s:

I do what I can to keep my ‘carbon’ footprint to a minimum. I recycle all that I can, what I can’t I either reuse or try not to buy once I know it can’t be recycled or reused. I do what I can to keep my piece of ‘Mother Earth’ clean & green.

It is also clear from many statements that the environmentally responsible lifestyle of green singles is not seen as being problem-free by the mainstream. The green script of environmental responsibility represents the most important boundary as is evident from Lerochka’s statement:

Trying to live in the most responsible way appears difficult almost when you’re not supported by your family or friends. That’s why it seems important for me to find a person who will share my views without saying I’m a fundamentalist or such things. I’m just trying to protect the space I’m living in and my own health in the most simple and natural way (Lerochka).

Self-awareness and spirituality

We can observe a greater interest in the self amongst green singles, both physically and spiritually. Their profiles frequently describe their individual paths to self-awareness, selfdevelopment, and self-discovery. They believe truly caring for nature is dependent on caring for oneself, on self-discovery. For example, Lightdiviner says: “I am indeed most passionate about self-awareness and personal healing. Real and true healing of our planet and people starts with us personally.” Their lifestyles often involve practicing Eastern forms of exercise and mediation: yoga, tai-chi, reiki, etc. At the same time, surprisingly, they often distance themselves from fashionable trends that emphasize the physical aspects of exercise, and point out the spiritual aspects of their approach. Green singles emphasize their different cultural capital (stemming from spirituality) which allows them to see the world differently, and behave according to a different set of rules to the mainstream (Bourdieu, 1984, pp. 254-5). They also put the spiritual aspect of their lives above other aspects, for example as Dancingfish states:

I’ve been on a more ‘mainstream’ dating site, but I realized I kept seeing guys with ‘agnostic’ next to their name and I want someone who I can share my faith with. I’m really feeling the need to put my practice (whether it’s yoga, meditation, kirtan^[10], or a walk in the woods with a friend) above everything else.

Their spiritual life is a very important green code. However, religiosity does not just play a role in their daily life; it is a path to knowledge, to creating a more authentic and holistic self. They use established religions and spiritual teachings (especially Eastern ones) as a source of information for their individual spiritual development (see de-traditionalization of religiosity in Luckmann, 1967).^[11]

Voluntary simplicity

Narratives about voluntary simplicity, rural exodus and community living are quite frequent among green singles. The desire to be self-sufficient and live simply (preferably in intentional communities) is a major characteristic of the predominant script of green singles as follows from Beingoflove’s statement: “Settling on land as far away from cities as possible, growing food for my family and community and being as self-sufficient as possible are of top priority.” However, for most of them it is just an ideal to be achieved. Some authors point out that the desire is related to the phenomenon of seeking the ‘authenticity of the locale’, of a milieu that promotes ‘self-actualizing behaviour’, ‘slowness’ and even ‘simplicity’ (Parkins & Craig, 2006, p. 4; Librová, 2008, p. 1115; Alexander & Ussher, 2012; Kala, Galčanová, & Pelikán, 2016b). Some green singles can be included among the ‘lifestyle migrants’ who escape from the city after they realize that the struggle against global forces (“the evil of capitalism”) is unwinnable (Osbaldiston, 2012, p. 11). See for example HunterGatherer’s statement: “Back in college I realized what a mess this planet is in, and decided to pursue the hunter-gatherer lifeway. I traveled the country, teaching Environmental Education, going to primitive skills gatherings, visiting various intentional communities”. Their lifestyle should demonstrate their responsibility as Popo’s statement shows: “I have always tried to live self-sufficient for my own sake and planet’s sake too!” Among green singles, it is possible to observe a transformation from the consumerist stuff lifestyle to a new approach to “the good life” (see Hoey, 2006, p. 351).

Green singles are not just part of the growing eco-consumer industry (see Maniates, 2001). They are usually truly responsible and often dedicated. From the profile statements described above, it is clear that green singles define themselves against consumerism and enjoy new forms of luxury, as described by Enzensberger (1996). Instead of unnecessary material commodities, they concentrate on the essentials: time, attention, space, calmness, nature, and security. It could be said that they live, or that they would like to live, a life of voluntary simplicity, “that is, intentionally, consciously, and meaningfully” (Elgin, 1993, p. 24). Hardcoreactivist’s profile statement explicitly speaks for this: “I live between simplicity and resourcefulness; I don’t need to work for anyone other than myself. Life provides so many opportunities to make enough to live luxuriously!”

For all green singles making an alternative living, the support of a community is very important. On one hand it teaches them how to live a self-sufficient way of life, and on the other hand it provides them with an outlet for distributing their surpluses and for filling up on things they lack. Quite often the community is understood in terms of the ecological community, in which the world consists of the relations between all living things: “I am hoping to connect with heart centered people that are inspired to live our lives with less of a foot print and create a more heart centered connection with each other and nature” (Sunflower). Even though dreaming about a life in the countryside or in an intentional community are a relatively frequent theme in the profiles of green singles, “only” 7.7% live in some form of intentional community.^[12]

Green codes

In my research, I discovered several ‘green cultural codes’—communication cues (see also Ellison et al., 2006) and tokens (see also Liu, 2007)—that the studied singles share and which may indicate a certain collective identity. Green singles frequently try to make sure that their lifestyle and all of its manifestations correspond to their way of life. It seems to be crucial to their representation and to making an impression on the right persons. I have observed that green singles seek appropriate nicknames and opening phrases to highlight their identity. I assume that the use of words and phrases such as ‘Mother Earth’ is semantically empty but that they act as a substitute for linguistic codes.^[13]

Material culture is also a significant constitutive component of green identity (see Horton, 2003, p. 63). Many are unwilling to wear fur, leather, or precious stones that have a large ecological footprint. DIY^[14] culture and hand-made fashion accessories are popular. Profiles without the client’s picture usually include a textual description of the visual identity. “I wear wellies far more than makeup” (Lilybee). Vegetarians and vegans in particular emphasize that they do not wear leather, or that their clothing is organic. It would be worth having a separate analysis of the profile photographs to study e.g. the fashions people wear (like colorful clothes, natural adornments etc.). Other shared cultural codes include spending time in the countryside, longing for a life in the country or actually living in the country, specific shopping habits, artistic ambitions, and the absence of televisions and cars. Expressions of ascetic values (i.e. various self-restrictions) and endeavoring to be independent of the “system” are typical: self-sufficiency, travelling on foot or by bicycle, doing unpaid work.

From the statements of clients on green dating sites, it is evident that they create clear ‘symbolic boundaries’ in order to distinguish themselves from the mainstream, such as for example Lerochka: “I strive to extricate myself, spiritually and philosophically, from the mainstream… I’m here to live a life that is diverse and meaningful; to become a complete human being; and to change the world around me in so doing.” Green singles define themselves in opposition to mainstream people, who are described as having no conscience, ignorant, selfish, consumers, etc. In their view, it is necessary to help such people grow, to educate them, and to make them aware. The “environmentalist”/ “consumerist” dichotomy is similar to the classic categorization of “clean”/ “unclean” groups of people (see Bauman, 1990, p. 43-57). Generally, cleanliness is a particularly strong topic for green singles, as Gentlemayden’s statement demonstrates: “It hurts me to see all the litter on the sides of our highway. I clean what I can & try to forgive those idiots that don’t know any better.” From this statement there is evidently a sharp boundary between people who do right and people who do wrong. Creating boundaries is part of the process of forming one’s own identity, which at the same time strengthens collective social norms (see Lamont & Molnar, 2002). I suppose that within the group studied, certain cultural repertoires^[15] have developed, i.e. shared patterns or means for constructing a symbolic world on which green singles base their arguments. It is interesting to note their emphasis on morality when they define themselves against other groups (see vegetarians and vegans).

Alternative food practice

One of the more notable ways in which the green singles self-present is the way they talk about their diet. In particular, vegetarianism is constantly thematised and sometimes manifested also by choice of nickname (e.g. Veganlioness, Mindful vegan soul etc.). In the sample, vegetarians (39.2%) and vegans (16.2%) were significantly overrepresented.^[16] Only 29% of green singles have a conventional diet. Considering their interest in health and purity of body, it could be expected that the main motivation for refusing to eat meat is health. The reasoning of green singles is, however, surprisingly often based on ethical reasons. It was interesting to find that most clients shared the fact that they were a vegetarian first of all. In accordance with Horton’s conclusion, I would also consider diet to be one of the most important distinctive characteristic of a green identity (Horton, 2003, p. 70). Not eating meat becomes crucial in distinguishing green singles from the mainstream, with clear implications for relationships. To illustrate this is the relatively harsh sounding viewpoint of LDN:

I’m also firm opponent to speciesism. I’m tired of being surrounded by people who consciously ignore or pick apart my high ethical standards. I won’t settle to date any more meat-eaters! I’m looking to meet people who share my philosophies and interests.

Although green singles are alone, they do not lower their values when looking for a partner. In terms of identity, finding someone with the same values is critical, especially for vegetarians and vegans because they use food as a means of differentiating themselves from the mainstream in the same way as the upper class distinguish themselves from the lower class (see also Bourdieu, 1984).

Activism and volunteerism

Activism and volunteerism feature among the most characteristic green performances within the environmentalist neo-tribe. Public engagement in environmental issues is also an important part of the green habitus of the singles. Being an active citizen is the appropriate behaviour, and it works as a ‘cultural code’ on profiles on online dating sites. According to the claims made by green singles on their profiles, 33.7% are involved in some form of activism. It is not surprising that those most involved are young people up to the age of 26 (43% of this category), and as their age advances the level of their activism decreases. Activism and volunteerism are mostly understood as the outcome of acting in accordance with certain values (green scripts). There are various reasons why green singles are involved in activism. I would say that animal rights and global problems (such as climate change) most commonly motivate them into being activists. The values they hold are reflected in their activism, such as with Nadie: “I’ve been a veggie for eight years and I love being part of demonstrations or of protest against animal cruelty.” Some green singles spend most of their time involved in activism. “Since I got involved with activism (campaign for action on climate change), my studies have come second to that” (Moriarty). If activism penetrates deeper into people’s way of life, it has, in my opinion, great significance for identity.