Examining Types of Domestic Violence Against Afghan Women in Mashhad, Iran
-
Hakima Yagoubi
and
Ramazan Ahmadi
Abstract
This study aims to explore the dimensions of domestic violence against Afghan women living in Mashhad, Iran, and identify the factors contributing to this violence. Domestic violence is a significant societal issue, particularly among migrant communities. Afghan women, who often face socio-economic challenges, are at a heightened risk of experiencing violence. The study examines the impact of socio-cultural factors such as age, marital type, unemployment, and family income on domestic violence. The research employs a survey-based approach with a sample of 400 married Afghan women residing in Mashhad. Data were collected through interviews using snowball sampling and analyzed using SPSS software. Likert scale items were used to examine social factors influencing the four dimensions of domestic violence: psychological, physical, sexual, and economic. The study finds a significant relationship between the age of women, low family income, unemployment of husbands, and the occurrence of domestic violence. Women in non-consensual traditional marriages are more likely to experience violence. Additionally, physical and economic violence are more prevalent among unemployed husbands and those with lower educational levels. The findings confirm that age, financial status, marital type, and employment significantly contribute to domestic violence against Afghan women. These results underscore the need for targeted interventions to address these factors and improve the welfare of Afghan migrant women in Mashhad.
1 Introduction
The family is one of the most important and enduring social institutions where children grow and develop, and where individual identity and socialization take shape (Marwat 2018). Violence has existed throughout history, but its severity has varied across different social classes. In Afghan communities, particularly among lower social classes where families are culturally and traditionally less advanced and have fewer resources, domestic violence – whether physical, economic, sexual, or psychological – is more prevalent. However, it cannot be categorically stated that domestic violence is exclusive to or more common in lower social classes (poor communities or societies) and that it does not exist or is less prevalent in higher social classes (wealthier societies) with more education and income (Rachel et al. 2019). Domestic violence against married Afghan women can be attributed to various factors, including education levels, poverty, unemployment, the impact of violence on culture, social and economic approaches, and the absence or ambiguity of laws protecting women’s rights, among others (Akbary et al. 2022).
The collapse of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in mid-August 2021 caused chaos and fundamental disruptions in the country, leading to widespread migration and internal and external displacement (Hikmat and Ahmadi 2023). Additionally, the migration of people occurred due to war and terrorist activities in Afghanistan (Ahmadi 2022) as well as the severe economic and political crisis (Ahmadi and Hikmat 2023; Ahmadi and Hikmat 2024), particularly to neighboring countries.
One example of human societies is the long history of Afghan migration to Iran and their significant presence in the city of Mashhad. Mashhad Province is one of the provinces of Iran that borders Afghanistan and typically hosts the largest number of Afghan migrants in this border region. In Mashhad, a large number of married Afghan women experience various forms of domestic violence (economic, cultural, sexual, and physical) from their husbands, affecting their mental and psychological well-being. This has led to psychological disorders among Afghan women living in Mashhad, making their lives difficult and challenging (Yaqoubi 2022). In recent decades, violence against women has become one of the most important human rights issues (WHO 2013).
Violence is an intersubjective concept that varies across different cultures and societies, and it is interpreted differently in each culture. People around the world perceive violence as a specific act, and some justify these acts for various reasons. However, sociologists have attempted to address this concept from different perspectives, using more scientific approaches (Saeedi et al. 2020). Domestic violence or violence among family members has a long history in human civilization and is repeatedly mentioned in religious and historical texts (Vamegi et al. 2013). In recent decades, violence against women has become one of the most important human rights issues. While combating all forms of violence is crucial, domestic violence, due to its widespread occurrence in countries around the world and the serious physical and psychological harm it causes to women, has been the primary focus of attention for global communities and scholars (Besandeh et al. 2021). Violence against women is one dimension of family violence and occurs both in public (society) and private (family) spheres. In the public sphere, violence occurs in areas such as customs, oral and written culture, traditional religious interpretations, and social institutions, while in the private sphere, it happens both in the father’s and the husband’s homes (Kabiri et al. 2018).
Domestic violence can be defined as any form of force or coercion that threatens an individual’s life, body, psychological well-being, or personal freedom within the family. The most common form of domestic violence is violence by a spouse or partner. According to global statistics, approximately 90 % of the victims are women, while 10 % are men. In reports on domestic violence, women and children are typically considered the primary victims (Seyedzadeh Sani and Abdullahi 2019). Studies have shown that a range of violence against women exists in different societies, and women, as a specific group, are eight times more likely than men to experience violence from their spouse. Global estimates of violence against women range from 27.8 % to 32.2 % (Raad and Sabzevari 2015).
Currently, a large number of Afghan women in Mashhad are victims of various forms of violence (Yaqoubi 2022). This research examines domestic violence against Afghan women and its social causes from a criminological perspective, exploring the causes and factors leading to violence and providing preventive strategies. Given that Afghan refugees have low economic and educational status, this issue is particularly concerning among Afghan women, creating a breeding ground for violence against Afghan women residing in Mashhad and other parts of Iran. Since the social factors contributing to violence against Afghan women in Mashhad have not been previously studied, the present research aims to investigate the social factors contributing to violence against Afghan women in Mashhad. While this study focuses on Afghan migrant women in Mashhad, its findings hold broader significance due to shared socio-economic and cultural challenges faced by Afghan migrants in other regions of Iran and internationally. The socio-economic vulnerabilities, such as low income, unemployment, and traditional patriarchal norms contributing to domestic violence, are not unique to Mashhad but are prevalent in many migrant communities. By identifying key determinants of violence, this research provides a framework for understanding and addressing domestic violence in similar socio-cultural and economic contexts, making its insights applicable to other cities with significant Afghan migrant populations and informing global discussions on the intersection of migration, gender, and violence.
2 Theoretical Framework
2.1 Forms of Domestic Violence Against Women
In many families, women are subjected to various forms of violence, including physical, psychological, sexual, or economic abuse, by people they know, resulting in torture and damage to their dignity. If we categorize violence based on its negative consequences and effects, it can be divided into four types: economic (financial) violence, psychological (emotional) violence, physical violence, and sexual violence (Nik Sokhan Shirazi 2009).
2.2 Physical Violence
Physical violence includes threatening or using force against a partner to cause harm or death, throwing objects at a spouse, and physical assaults in various forms (slapping, punching, kicking, etc.) (Sadeghi et al. 2018). Physical violence encompasses a range of violent behaviors, from kicking to using weapons and murdering the victim. In this type of violence, the victim’s body is targeted. Given the tangible effects of physical violence, it is considered the most identifiable form of violence, which has attracted the attention of victims, perpetrators, and researchers (Jafari and Parvin 2022).
2.3 Psychological Violence
Another irreparable form of violence in today’s societies is psychological violence. The family is the primary setting for psychological violence, and in every family, at least one woman is responsible for raising children, managing the household, and other tasks without any rights or recognition. In families with fewer daughters, violence tends to be more prevalent, as a small mistake or error by the father or brothers can lead to harsh and violent behavior. Although these statistics are not absolute and are relative, varying in each family depending on culture, values, and norms (Yaqoubi 2022).
One of the most common forms of psychological violence includes damaging a person’s dignity, humiliating them, lowering their self-esteem, and other forms of emotional weakening. Psychological violence is essentially a form of mistreatment and does not necessarily involve physical abuse. This behavior often manifests as repeated criticism, verbal abuse, humiliation, threats of remarriage, or divorce (Kabiri et al. 2018). Violence against women in the family initially has a psychological aspect, reflected in speech, and gradually manifests physically (Molaverdi 2006). Acts of violence against women not only victimize them but also affect children. Children who witness violent behavior are likely to become victims of violence themselves or become perpetrators of violence against their spouses and children in adulthood (Maashari et al. 2012).
2.4 Economic Violence
Economic or financial violence is another form of violent behavior that men exert towards women. As men are typically the breadwinners of the family, if they do not provide financial support to women, the latter may face serious difficulties due to the lack of income. Examples of economic violence include forcing a wife to sell her property, withholding money and living expenses, and putting a woman in financial distress by not providing sufficient funds (Suhrabzadeh and Mansurian Ravandi 2017). Economic problems, along with the failure to meet the basic needs of the family and the unequal distribution of wealth, job opportunities, and the heavy responsibilities of the family, make men less tolerant and more prone to anxiety and impatience, which can lead to violence. Economic issues alone do not explain the phenomenon of violence but contribute to the emergence of social harm. In other words, economic concerns, low income, and social stress caused by the lack of resources and facilities create a sense of frustration in the individual, leading to violence (Roy 1998).
2.5 Sexual Violence
Sexual violence is most often perpetrated by men against women, although it can also be initiated by women against men in the form of indifference, lack of sexual interest, or even sexual deprivation. In general, any behavior that disrupts a legitimate sexual desire and act is considered violence (Zandi 2005). In cases of forced sexual contact, the man, due to his position and simply because of being male, imposes sexual contact on his wife, which in many cultures is considered sexual assault. The acceptance of a man’s request for submission should not be based solely on his gender, as this can have legal consequences (Motamedi Mehr 2001).
2.6 Literature Review
Numerous studies related to the topic of domestic violence have been conducted in various countries. The most significant ones are briefly explained below:
In Afghanistan, stigma surrounding intimate partner violence (IPV) further complicates help-seeking behaviors, as highlighted by Mukerji et al. (2023). Traditional gender norms dictate that women bear violence silently, and publicizing such violence or seeking help often exacerbates stigma. This points to the urgent need for culturally sensitive, trauma-informed interventions that work within existing societal structures to support survivors without perpetuating further harm.
Moreover, the relationship between IPV and reproductive health is critical, as demonstrated by studies on Afghan women. Dadras et al. (2022) observed that IPV is a significant predictor of unmet family planning needs, with many women unwilling to have children in a violent environment. These findings suggest that addressing IPV in family planning programs could play a crucial role in improving reproductive health outcomes for Afghan women.
Violence against women in Afghanistan is not limited to husbands but extends to other household members, such as mothers-in-law and siblings-in-law, further exacerbating the problem. According to research by Rachel et al. (2019), the violence from these relatives is often driven by poverty and competition over scarce resources. The impact of such violence on women’s health is significant, and it compounds the harm caused by violence from husbands. Jewkes et al. argue that the traditional focus on intimate partner violence (IPV) is insufficient and that domestic violence should be viewed as a broader issue involving multiple family members. They suggest that targeting violence prevention efforts at the entire domestic unit, rather than solely focusing on women and their husbands, could be more effective. Domestic violence also causes serious harm to children in the household, and child labor is one of the consequences of domestic violence in the center of Bamiyan province (Ahmadi and Akbari 2024).
Conflict zones often amplify violence against women, with domestic violence emerging as a significant consequence. In Afghanistan, women face violence both in the public sphere of conflict and within private spaces, exacerbated by poverty and the drug trade. The patriarchal division between public and private spheres limits state intervention, reinforcing harmful gender norms and legal inaction (Mannell et al. 2021). Women who lose male relatives to conflict often face economic hardship and dependency on male guardians, perpetuating poverty and restricting their economic participation. Unlike contexts such as Sierra Leone, where women enter the workforce after losing male family members, Afghan women remain economically disempowered, deepening gender inequalities (Mannell et al. 2021).
Education and socio-economic status play a crucial role in shaping attitudes toward domestic violence. In Afghanistan, higher education and wealth are linked to lower justification of violence against women, a trend also observed in other conflict-affected regions across South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, where education fosters awareness of rights and more egalitarian gender norms (Akbary et al. 2022). However, cultural factors such as ethnicity and rural versus urban living conditions continue to influence attitudes, with certain ethnic groups in Afghanistan, like the Baloch, showing stronger support for wife-beating due to patriarchal traditions. The media and employment also complicate these dynamics, as women in patriarchal contexts may justify domestic violence despite being employed, and increased media exposure has been associated with greater acceptance of wife-beating, particularly among men influenced by conservative interpretations of religion and societal norms (Akbary et al. 2022).
Taken together, these studies underscore the multi-dimensional nature of domestic violence in conflict zones like Afghanistan. The persistence of patriarchal norms, the economic impact of conflict on women, and the role of education and socio-cultural factors all contribute to the perpetuation of domestic violence. Interventions aimed at reducing domestic violence must not only address attitudes toward violence but also challenge the underlying structural conditions that sustain gender inequality and violence. To achieve lasting change, policies must promote education, alleviate poverty, and confront the deeply ingrained cultural and social norms that justify abuse (Kargar Jahromi et al. 2015; Akbary et al. 2022).
Educational attainment and women’s autonomy also appear to be protective factors. Akbary et al. (2024) observed that women with higher levels of education and autonomy were less likely to experience domestic violence in Bamyan. Furthermore, rejecting harmful cultural norms, such as those supporting wife-beating, was associated with a lower likelihood of violence. These results suggest that promoting gender equality, education, and women’s rights can play a significant role in reducing domestic violence in Afghanistan and similar contexts.
To address domestic violence effectively, multi-faceted interventions are required. Programs should focus not only on legal and policy frameworks that protect women’s rights but also on community-level education and support systems. Strengthening laws against child marriage and domestic abuse, promoting economic independence through job training, and ensuring accessible support for victims are all essential steps toward reducing domestic violence and its long-term effects on women and children.
In Bamyan, as in many regions of Afghanistan, women continue to face domestic violence, which remains a critical issue despite growing awareness and the negative consequences of such violence. Research has shown that, over recent years, increasing women’s awareness of their rights and access to education has somewhat improved their safety. For instance, a study by Jafari et al. (2022) highlights that while women in Bamyan remain victims of domestic violence, their enhanced understanding of their rights has led to shifts in societal attitudes towards such violence. The study suggests that education has played a role in reducing the frequency of violent incidents, although women still experience feelings of humiliation, which complicates relationship dynamics.
Domestic violence remains a pervasive issue in multiple regions, with significant socio-demographic factors influencing its prevalence and forms. In both Tehran and Afghanistan, economic strain is a common factor that exacerbates domestic violence. The study by Mohammadi et al. (2019) found that verbal violence was the most common form of abuse, with economic challenges playing a dominant role in driving such violence. Similarly, in Afghanistan, research by Akbary et al. (2024) demonstrated that women who married early were at a higher risk of experiencing various forms of violence, including physical and emotional abuse. These findings underscore the importance of socio-economic and cultural contexts in shaping the experiences of women facing domestic violence.
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) among Afghan women, particularly in contexts of displacement, has been widely studied, revealing pervasive patterns of abuse, socio-cultural influences, and significant gaps in support mechanisms. Research indicates that IPV prevalence remains alarmingly high, both in Afghanistan and among Afghan refugees. A scoping review by Wachter et al. (2025) found that past-year physical IPV prevalence ranged from 52 % to 56 % in Afghanistan, with even higher rates (79.8 %) reported among Afghan refugees in Iran. The study highlights various risk factors, including individual factors (e.g. age, employment), interpersonal dynamics (e.g. acceptance of IPV, in-law violence), and societal challenges such as conflict and displacement. The review underscores the need for further research to explore how these factors shift in forced migration and resettlement contexts, with a particular emphasis on the development of targeted services and programs for Afghan women experiencing IPV across different settings.
Similarly, research by Azizi et al. (2024) illustrates that despite finding sanctuary in the UK, Afghan women refugees continue to face violence within the family. Patriarchal structures, both in Afghanistan and in the UK, contribute to the persistence of IPV, with traditional values being reinforced within the home. The experiences of women were further differentiated by ethnic and tribal identities, with Pashtun women experiencing stricter control and Hazara women integrating more easily into UK society. These findings highlight the complexities of IPV in diaspora settings and the continued marginalization of women, even after resettlement.
The role of social activism in preventing domestic violence has also been explored in Iran, where Ahmadi et al. (2023) found that higher levels of social activism and responsibility were associated with reduced domestic violence. This research emphasizes the importance of educational and occupational factors in mitigating IPV, noting that employed women with higher education levels tend to experience lower rates of violence. The study suggests that promoting awareness and encouraging social responsibility within communities can significantly contribute to preventing domestic violence.
Additionally, the intersection of socio-demographic factors with attitudes toward violence plays a crucial role in the occurrence and acceptance of abuse. Research by Shinwari et al. (2022) among Afghan women revealed that the attitudinal acceptance of intimate partner violence (IPV) was significantly linked to its occurrence. Those who accepted IPV or had witnessed inter-parental violence were more likely to experience or perpetrate violence themselves. This aligns with findings from studies in Iran, where violence victims’ attitudes towards abuse and their perceptions of gender roles were influential. Saidi and Siddegowda (2013) highlighted that Iranian women, compared to their Indian counterparts, often showed more passive attitudes towards domestic violence, possibly due to cultural perceptions about wife-beating.
The link between IPV and sexual and reproductive health is another critical aspect of the issue, especially among refugee populations. Delkhosh et al. (2024) examined Afghan refugee women in Iran and found that IPV significantly contributed to an increased risk of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and reproductive tract infections (RTIs). Their findings suggest that addressing IPV in refugee settings should go hand in hand with reproductive health services, emphasizing the need for screening and preventive measures.
According to the findings of Zarei (2016), there is no inherent difference between women and men, and some differences are not innate but rather stem from culture, family upbringing, and social role assimilation. Therefore, culture, customs, and upbringing play a significant role in the rights and status of women and are considered one of the main causes of oppression against women (Zarei 2016).
According to Shiri’s research (2019), one of the factors behind traditional marriages is cultural poverty. In societies where families do not believe in educating girls and women, consider women’s work undesirable, and where no sense of gender equality or justice is evident, cultural poverty ensues. In such societies, where women are deprived of basic rights such as the right to choose their spouse, the right to go out, the right to own a mobile phone, and the right to choose friends and socialize with them, and are required to obey their parents unconditionally, women are seen as weak and are subjected to violence by men (Shiri 2019).
According to the research by Burgess et al. (1944), one form of violence against the elderly is abandoning them and then sexually abusing them. As people age, they may no longer be able to care for themselves or perform tasks. Another instance where violence increases with age involves divorced women who lack financial support and backing (Burgess et al. 1944).
The literature on IPV among Afghan women highlights the widespread nature of the issue, its multi-layered causes, and the significant gaps in research and intervention. Moving forward, it is essential to consider the complex interplay of cultural, socio-economic, and political factors in developing strategies to address IPV in Afghanistan and among Afghan diaspora populations.
2.7 Research Questions
Has the age of married Afghan women in the city of Mashhad influenced the occurrence of domestic violence?
Is there a relationship between lower financial income of the husband and the increase in domestic violence against married Afghan women (Afghan married women include those who have migrated from Afghanistan to Iran with their husbands and are residing in the city of Mashhad)?
Has the unemployment of husbands of married Afghan women been an effective factor in the increase of domestic violence in the city of Mashhad?
Does the method and type of marriage, such as traditional marriage without consent, traditional marriage with consent, and modern marriage based on mutual friendship or prior acquaintance with the spouse, influence the increase or decrease of domestic violence against women?
2.8 Research Hypotheses
It seems that the age of married Afghan women in the city of Mashhad has been an influential factor in the occurrence of domestic violence.
It seems that there is a relationship between lower financial income of the husband and the increase in domestic violence against married Afghan women (Afghan married women include those who have migrated from Afghanistan to Iran with their husbands and are residing in the city of Mashhad).
It seems that the unemployment of husbands of married Afghan women has been an effective factor in the increase of domestic violence in the city of Mashhad.
It seems that the type and form of marriage, such as traditional marriage without consent, traditional marriage with consent, and modern marriage based on friendship or prior acquaintance with the spouse, have an impact on the increase or decrease of domestic violence against women.
3 Research Methodology
This research aimed to conduct an exploratory study to identify the factors influencing domestic violence against women, which is recognized as a societal issue. According to the definition provided by the National Committee on VAW in Iran, violence is behavior exerted by men to control their victims, leading to psychological, physical, and sexual harm, social isolation, or economic deprivation (Yaqoubi 2022). We categorized violence against women into four dimensions: economic, sexual, psychological, and physical.
Methodologically, this study is quantitative, applied in its objective, and field-based in its data collection approach. The technique used for data collection was a researcher-made questionnaire.
The objective of this research was to examine the social factors influencing domestic violence against Afghan women in the city of Mashhad. The city of Mashhad has been selected as the statistical population because it is the most significant migrant city in Iran, where Afghan migrants reside, and it has the highest concentration of Afghan migrants. This survey-based research targeted the entire population of married Afghan women living in Mashhad that include between 16 and 65 ages.
Sampling methods are divided into two categories: probabilistic sampling and non-probabilistic sampling, based on the presence or absence of the probability element in selecting individuals or elements from the statistical population (Böke 2017). In this study, surveys were conducted using simple random sampling and systematic sampling methods.
Various methods exist for determining sample size, and one of the most common is the use of Cochran’s formula (Ahmadi 2024). The sample size appropriate to the population is calculated using Cochran’s formula as follows:
In this formula:
n represents the sample size.
N represents the total population size.
Z is the standard normal variable, typically equal to 1.96 at a 95 % confidence level.
P represents the proportion of the characteristic of interest in the population (e.g. success rate). If this value is unknown, it is usually assumed to be 0.5 to maximize variance.
ε represents the acceptable margin of error in the estimate.
According to the 2016 census, the population of Mashhad was 3,001,184, with 360,498 of them being Afghan immigrants. From this population, 400 individuals were selected as the sample size using Cochran’s formula. However, to achieve greater accuracy, a survey was conducted with 400 participants. Data collection was conducted using a probabilistic snowball sampling method through interviews with the selected sample between June and July 2022. The collected data were then analyzed using SPSS software.
3.1 Variables
For the title “Examining Types of Domestic Violence Against Afghan Women in Mashhad, Iran”, the following variables can be defined:
Independent Variables
Age
Marriage method
Number of children
Housing status
Family income level
Husband’s employment status
Educational level of women and their husbands
Dependent Variables
These variables include the types of domestic violence under investigation:
Psychological violence
Physical violence
Sexual violence
Economic violence
3.2 Reliability and Validity of the Research
In any research, data must be collected and analyzed using precise measurement techniques, which should possess reliability and validity. These two features are essential for all data.
Reliability and validity are similar for both quantitative and qualitative data. Reliability refers to the process where, if the data are applied to the same sample at different times, similar results are obtained; while validity indicates the extent to which the data represent the situations or phenomena being studied (Punch, 2014; cited in Gün 2023).
Reliability is one of the key evaluation criteria in social research, addressing whether the research results are replicable. This concept is often applied to constructs designed in social sciences for concepts such as poverty, racial bias, skill reduction, and religiosity (Bryman 2008). The most important criterion in research is validity, which refers to the consistency of the obtained results (Bryman 2008).
The reliability of a survey can be measured using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient, a common test for internal reliability. The calculated alpha coefficient varies between 0, indicating no internal reliability, and 1, indicating complete internal reliability (Bryman 2008), with a value of 0.70 considered acceptable (Mohammadbeigi et al. 2015). Bertaut (2000) mentioned that a level of 0.60 is “good,” while a health indicator used in the BHPS reached a level of 0.77 (Bertaut, 2000; cited in Bryman 2008).
In this framework, in the present research, the Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for Likert-type questions is shown in Table 1. The obtained results indicate that the implemented questionnaire has sufficient reliability.
Cronbach’s alpha for the dependent variable and its dimensions.
| NO | Type of violence | Number of items | Item number in the questionnaire | Cronbach’s alpha |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Psychological violence | 5 | 1–5 | 0.86 |
| 2 | Sexual violence | 4 | 6–9 | 0.60 |
| 3 | Physical violence | 5 | 10–14 | 0.78 |
| 4 | Economic violence | 5 | 15–19 | 0.78 |
This study tested the reliability of the data and responses across different time intervals, yielding consistent results. This indicates reliability. “While most researchers place greater trust in one of the two research methods, they prefer to support their findings with other methods as well” (Bryman 2008; cited in Gün 2023).
In this research, to better clarify the various dimensions of the study, observe the similarities between quantitative and qualitative data, and ensure the validity of the data, standardized questionnaires were utilized, and consultations with research experts were conducted.
The results have been directly reported without intervention or adaptation from other sources. The research topic has not been altered, and personal information has not been used without permission. Survey participants were provided with information regarding the study. Confidentiality of the data has been ensured, and individuals’ personal information will not be disclosed to third parties. Data has been managed impartially.
4 Findings
4.1 Demographics
This section describes the demographic characteristics of the statistical sample.
4.1.1 Age of Women
In this section, information related to the age of women is examined in the form of a table. According to the data in Table 2, most respondents are between the ages of 30 and 40, with the highest frequency being 123, which accounts for 30.8 %. The lowest number of respondents is individuals under 18 years old, with a frequency of 5, equivalent to 1.2 %.
Age distribution of women.
| Age | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Under 18 years | 5 | 1.2 % | 1.2 % |
| 18–25 years | 76 | 19.0 % | 20.3 % |
| 25–30 years | 95 | 23.8 % | 40.0 % |
| 30–40 years | 123 | 30.8 % | 74.8 % |
| Over 40 years | 101 | 25.3 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.2 Women’s Education
According to Table 3, this section presents information related to women’s education in the form of a chart and table. Based on the data in Table 3, the majority of respondents have primary education, with a frequency of 138.23 % of respondents have a high school diploma or less, and 8 % have a master’s degree or higher.
Distribution of women’s education levels.
| Education | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Primary education | 138 | 34.5 % | 34.5 % |
| Below high school diploma | 60 | 15.0 % | 49.5 % |
| High school diploma | 92 | 23.0 % | 72.5 % |
| Bachelor’s degree | 78 | 19.5 % | 92.0 % |
| Master’s degree | 32 | 8.0 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.3 Men’s Education
According to Table 4, this section presents information related to the educational levels of husbands in the form of a table. Based on the data in Table 4, the highest frequency is for illiterate husbands, with a frequency of 143, while husbands with a master’s degree or higher have the lowest frequency. 35.8 % of respondents have primary education, and 10 % have a master’s degree or higher.
Distribution of men’s education levels.
| Education | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Primary education | 143 | 35.8 % | 35.8 % |
| Below high school diploma | 77 | 19.3 % | 55.0 % |
| High school diploma | 78 | 19.5 % | 74.5 % |
| Bachelor’s degree | 60 | 15.0 % | 89.5 % |
| Master’s degree | 42 | 10.5 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.4 Women’s Occupation
According to Table 5, this section presents information related to women’s occupations in the form of a table. Based on the data in Table 5, 32.5 % of the female participants in the study are employed, while 67.5 % are homemakers. In the sample being studied, employed individuals have the lowest frequency, whereas homemakers have the highest frequency.
Distribution of women’s occupations.
| Occupation | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Employed | 130 | 32.5 % | 32.5 % |
| Housewife | 270 | 67.5 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.5 Men’s Occupation
This section presents information related to men’s occupations in the form of a table. According to the data in Table 6, self-employed men have the highest frequency at 40 %, while unemployed individuals have the lowest frequency at 8.5 %. Table 5-6 clearly reflects these results.
Distribution of men’s occupations.
| Occupation | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Worker | 158 | 39.5 % | 39.5 % |
| Employee | 48 | 12.0 % | 51.5 % |
| Self-employed | 160 | 40.0 % | 91.5 % |
| Unemployed | 34 | 8.5 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.6 Housing
This section examines information on respondents’ housing status as presented in Table 7. Individuals with rented homes have the lowest frequency, with 182 cases, accounting for 45.5 %, compared to those with private homes, who have the highest frequency of 218 cases, accounting for 54.5 %. Table 7 illustrates this information.
Distribution of housing.
| Housing | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Private home | 218 | 54.5 % | 54.5 % |
| Rented home | 182 | 45.5 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.7 Number of Children
This section, based on Table 8, provides information on the number of children of the respondents. According to the table, families with no children have a frequency of 56, accounting for 14 %, while families with two children have the highest frequency of 76, accounting for 19.0 %. Table 8 illustrates this information.
Distribution of number of children.
| Number of children | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| No Children | 56 | 14.5 % | 14.0 % |
| 1 Child | 66 | 16.5 % | 30.6 % |
| 2 Children | 76 | 19.0 % | 49.6 % |
| 3 Children | 73 | 18.2 % | 67.9 % |
| 4 Children | 49 | 10.5 % | 78.4 % |
| 5 Children | 77 | 6.8 % | 85.2 % |
| 6 Children | 22 | 5.5 % | 90.7 % |
| 7 Children | 22 | 5.5 % | 96.2 % |
| 8 Children | 11 | 2.8 % | 99.0 % |
| 9 Children | 4 | 1.0 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 399 | 99.8 % | |
4.1.8 Marriage Method
According to Table 9, more than 52 % of respondents were married in a traditional manner with family introduction and the individual’s own consent, while 20 % of respondents were married in a traditional manner with family introduction and without the individual’s consent. This suggests that lower education levels and traditional lifestyles may have had a significant impact.
Distribution of marriage methods.
| Marriage method | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Traditional with family introduction and personal consent | 209 | 52.3 % | 52.4 % |
| Traditional with family introduction and without personal consent | 80 | 20.0 % | 72.4 % |
| Based on friendship and prior acquaintance with spouse | 110 | 27.5 % | 100.0 % |
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.1.9 Household Income
This section examines information such as income levels. According to Table 10, individuals with a monthly income of 5–10 million Toman have the highest frequency, with 140 cases, accounting for 35 %, while individuals with a monthly income above 10 million Toman have the lowest frequency, with 33 cases, accounting for 8.2 %. Table 10 illustrates this information.
Distribution of household income.
| Income | Frequency | Percent | Cumulative percent |
|---|---|---|---|
| Less than 3 million (under 50$) | 97 | 24.2 % | 24.5 % |
| 3 to 5 million (50$ to 85$) | 126 | 31.5 % | 56.3 % |
| 5 to 10 million (85$ to 170$) | 140 | 35.0 % | 91.7 % |
| More than 10 million (over 170$) | 33 | 8.2 % | 100.0 % |
|
|
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| Total | 400 | 100.0 % | |
4.2 The Analysis of the Correlation Between Independent Variables and the Four Types of Violence
4.2.1 Comparison of Women’s Education Level with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 11, the findings of the study indicate that a comparison between women’s education levels and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) reveals that the highest number of respondents had primary education, with 138 individuals, while the lowest number, 32 respondents, had a master’s degree. At the primary education level, the most prevalent form of violence experienced was physical violence (68.15 %) against women, whereas the least prevalent was psychological violence (28.72 %). Thus, for women with primary education, the types of violence experienced, ranked from highest to lowest prevalence, are as follows: physical violence (68.15 %), economic violence (64.70 %), sexual violence (62.64 %), and psychological violence (28.72 %).
Women’s education level in relation to the four dimensions of violence
| Women’s education | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Elementary | 138 | 28/72 | 68/15 | 62/64 | 64/70 |
| Below diploma | 60 | 23/93 | 59/30 | 56/93 | 58/62 |
| Diploma | 92 | 22/09 | 56/17 | 55/77 | 55/26 |
| Bachelor’s degree | 78 | 19/64 | 55/57 | 53/25 | 52/68 |
| Master’s degree | 32 | 21/22 | 56/75 | 57/19 | 53/62 |
|
|
|||||
| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/000 | 0/000 | 0/000 | 0/000 | |
In other words, there is a negative and significant relationship at the 99 % level, indicating that lower levels of education among women correlate with higher levels of violence experienced, and vice versa.
At the master’s degree level, the most prevalent type of violence inflicted by men against women was sexual violence (57.19 %), while the least prevalent was psychological violence (21.22 %). At this education level, there is a positive and significant relationship, meaning that as women’s education levels increase, the violence experienced by them also increases.
4.2.2 Comparison of the Average Employment of Women with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 12, the research findings show that a comparison between women’s employment status and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) reveals that housewives represent the highest number with 270 participants, while employed women constitute the lowest number with 130 participants. In the case of housewives, the most prevalent form of violence is physical violence (61.80 %), while the least common form is psychological violence (24.74 %). Therefore, for housewives, the violence experienced by women, in order from most to least prevalent, includes physical violence (61.80 %), economic violence (59.55 %), sexual violence (58.60 %), and psychological violence (24.74 %).
Women’s employment in relation to the four dimensions of violence
| Women’s employment | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Housewife | 270 | 24/74 | 61/80 | 58/60 | 59/55 |
| Employed | 130 | 22/83 | 58/41 | 56/61 | 56/06 |
|
|
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| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/128 | 0/022 | 0/444 | 0/045 | |
For employed women, the most common form of violence committed by men is physical violence (58.41 %), while the least common form is psychological violence (22.83 %).
In other words, at a 99 % confidence level, a significant negative relationship exists, meaning that as women become more employed, the level of violence against them decreases. Conversely, as women remain housewives, the level of violence against them increases.
4.2.3 The Comparison of the Average Method of Marriage with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 13, the findings of the research indicate that the highest number of cases related to marriage type and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) is associated with traditional marriages with the woman’s consent (209 individuals), while the lowest number corresponds to traditional marriages without the woman’s consent (80 individuals). Therefore, in traditional marriages with the woman’s consent, the most common form of violence experienced by women was physical violence (60.27 %), and the least common was psychological violence (23.59 %). Thus, in traditional marriages with the woman’s consent, the violence inflicted on women, in order from highest to lowest, was physical violence (60.27 %), economic violence (57.48 %), sexual violence (57.09 %), and psychological violence (23.62 %).
Marriage method in relation to the four dimensions of violence
| Marriage method | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Traditional marriage with consent | 209 | 23/59 | 60/27 | 57/06 | 57/48 |
| Traditional marriage without consent | 80 | 27/52 | 65/37 | 62/41 | 65/55 |
| Marriage based on friendship and prior acquaintance | 110 | 22/75 | 58/15 | 56/38 | 54/90 |
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| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/790 | 0/518 | 0/874 | 0/354 | |
It is worth mentioning that among the three types of marriage – traditional marriage with consent, traditional marriage without consent, and marriage based on prior acquaintance or friendship – the highest experience of violence was reported in traditional marriages without the woman’s consent. The types of violence in these marriages, in order, were economic violence (65.55 %), physical violence (65.37 %), sexual violence (62.41 %), and psychological violence (27.52 %).
In other words, at a 99 % significance level, there is a negative and significant correlation, meaning that the more traditional and non-consensual the marriage, the more violence is inflicted on women, and vice versa.
4.2.4 Comparison of the Average Age of Women with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 14, the findings of the study indicate that the comparison between the age of women and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) shows that individuals aged 30–40 years constitute the largest group (123 individuals), while those under 18 years of age constitute the smallest group (5 individuals). Therefore, women in the 30 to 40 age group have experienced the highest level of violence. The most prevalent form of violence is economic violence (68.51 %) against women. The least common form of violence in this age group is psychological violence (25.51 %). Hence, among women aged 30–40 years, the violence inflicted in descending order is as follows: economic violence (68.51 %), physical violence (60.79 %), sexual violence (58.43 %), and psychological violence (25.51 %).
Age of women in relation to the four dimensions of violence.
| Age of women | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Under 18 years old | 5 | 24/40 | 49/60 | 52/00 | 51/20 |
| 18–25 years old | 76 | 22/33 | 58/22 | 57/12 | 57/41 |
| 25–30 years old | 95 | 21/63 | 58/32 | 56/45 | 57/91 |
| 30–40 years old | 123 | 25/51 | 60/79 | 58/43 | 68/51 |
| Over 40 years old | 101 | 26/07 | 65/29 | 59/70 | 59/84 |
|
|
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| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/001 | 0/001 | 0/177 | 0/686 | |
In the under-18 age group, the most common form of violence inflicted by men on women is as follows: sexual violence (52.00 %), economic violence (51.20 %), physical violence (49.60 %), and psychological violence (24.40 %).
In other words, for the age groups of 25–30, 30 to 40, and above 40 years, there is a statistically significant positive correlation at the 99 % level. This means that as women’s age increases, the level of violence inflicted on them also increases, and vice versa.
4.2.5 Comparison of the Average Housing Status with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 15, the findings of the research show that the highest number of respondents is from individuals living in personal housing (218 people), while the lowest number of respondents comes from those in rented housing (182 people). Therefore, in personal housing, the highest form of violence against women is physical violence (38.59 %), and the lowest is psychological violence (23.62 %). In other words, the order of violence against women in personal housing, from most to least, is as follows: physical violence (38.59 %), economic violence (56.60 %), sexual violence (55.77 %), and psychological violence (23.62 %).
Housing status in relation to the four dimensions of Violence.
| Housing status | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Personal (owned) | 218 | 23/62 | 59/38 | 77/55 | 56/60 |
| Rented | 182 | 24/70 | 62/30 | 60/58 | 60/53 |
|
|
|||||
| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/401 | 0/050 | 0/002 | 0/041 | |
In other words, at the 99 % confidence level, there is a significant negative relationship, meaning that as individuals’ income decreases and they live in rented housing, the level of violence against women increases, and vice versa.
In the case of rented housing, the highest form of violence against women by men is physical violence (30.62 %), and the lowest form is psychological violence (24.70 %).
4.2.6 Comparison of Family Income with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 16, the research findings indicate that the comparison between income levels and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) shows that the highest number of respondents fall within the income range of 5–10 million, with a total of 140 individuals. The lowest number of respondents are in the income level above 10 million, with 33 individuals. In the income range below 3 million, the most common form of violence experienced by women was physical violence (69.22 %), while the least common was psychological violence (28.02 %). Therefore, in terms of income, the violence experienced by women is ranked from highest to lowest as follows: physical violence (69.22 %), economic violence (67.83 %), sexual violence (64.74 %), and psychological violence (28.02 %).
The relationship between income and the four dimensions of violence.
| Income level | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Less than 3 million (under 50$) | 97 | 28/02 | 69/22 | 64/74 | 67/83 |
| 3 to 5 million (50$ to 85$) | 126 | 23/03 | 57/92 | 55/28 | 55/77 |
| 5 to 10 million (85$ to 170$) | 140 | 23/25 | 58/34 | 56/12 | 55/68 |
| More than 10 million (over 170$) | 33 | 21/21 | 56/97 | 56/36 | 53/21 |
|
|
|||||
| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/001 | 0/000 | 0/001 | 0/000 | |
In other words, at the 99 % level, there is a negative and significant relationship, meaning that as family income decreases, the amount of violence against women increases, and vice versa.
However, at the income level above 10 million, the highest forms of violence committed by men against women were physical violence (56.97 %) and sexual violence (56.36 %), while the least common form was psychological violence (21.21 %). In this income range, a positive and significant relationship exists, meaning that as income increases, the violence against women also increases.
Similarly, in the income ranges of 5–10 million and 3 to 5 million, there is a positive and significant relationship, meaning that as income increases, the violence committed against women also increases.
4.2.7 Comparison of Men’s Education Level with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 17, the findings of the research indicate that the comparison between men’s education level and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) shows that the highest number of individuals are at the primary education level, with 143 respondents, while the lowest number of respondents is at the master’s degree level. Therefore, at the primary education level, the highest violence reported was physical violence (24.69 %) against women. The least reported violence at the primary education level was psychological violence (13.29 %) against women. Thus, at the primary education level, the violence against women is ranked in the following order from highest to lowest: physical violence (24.69 %), economic violence (66.03 %), sexual violence (62.64 %), and psychological violence (13.29 %).
Men’s education level in relation to the four dimensions of violence.
| Men’s education level | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Elementary | 143 | 29/13 | 69/24 | 62/64 | 66/03 |
| Below diploma | 77 | 21/81 | 59/26 | 57/40 | 55/42 |
| Diploma | 78 | 21/70 | 52/82 | 54/94 | 53/69 |
| Bachelor’s degree | 60 | 20/35 | 55/30 | 52/25 | 53/89 |
| Master’s degree | 42 | 21/17 | 57/14 | 57/14 | 53/33 |
|
|
|||||
| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/000 | 0/000 | 0/000 | 0/000 | |
In other words, at the 99 % confidence level, there is a significant negative relationship, meaning that as men’s education level decreases, the level of violence against women increases, and vice versa.
At the master’s education level, the highest violence reported by men against women was physical violence (14.57 %) and sexual violence (14.57 %), while the lowest reported violence was psychological violence (17.21 %). At this education level, there is a significant positive relationship, meaning that as the education level increases, the violence against women also increases.
4.2.8 Comparison of Average Job Level of Men with the Four Dimensions of Violence (Psychological, Physical, Sexual, and Economic)
According to Table 18, the findings of the research indicate that a comparison between the men’s occupations and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic) shows that the highest number of respondents are in self-employment, with a total of 160 individuals, while the lowest number are unemployed (34 individuals). Therefore, among the working-class individuals, the highest level of violence against women is physical violence (63.90 %), while the lowest is psychological violence (26.50 %). Thus, the levels of violence against women in the working class, from highest to lowest, are as follows: physical violence (63.90 %), economic violence (60.95 %), sexual violence (60.65 %), and psychological violence (26.50 %).
Men’s occupation in relation to the four dimensions of violence.
| Men’s occupation | Frequency | Psychological violence | Physical violence | Sexual violence | Economic violence |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mean | Mean | Mean | Mean | ||
| Worker | 158 | 26/50 | 63/90 | 60/65 | 60/95 |
| Employee | 48 | 21/52 | 56/51 | 56/81 | 54/50 |
| Self-employed | 160 | 21/89 | 57/72 | 55/47 | 56/44 |
| Unemployed | 34 | 27/18 | 66/12 | 59/09 | 61/41 |
|
|
|||||
| Sig (significance) of Spearman correlation type | 0/033 | 0/705 | 0/017 | 0/260 | |
It is noteworthy that unemployed individuals reported the highest levels of violence against women, with physical violence (66.12 %) and economic violence (61.41 %) being the most prevalent.
On the other hand, individuals with office jobs applied significantly less violence compared to other occupations. In other words, at a 99 % confidence level, there is a negative and significant relationship, meaning that the higher the education level of men and their employment in jobs such as office work, the less violence they tend to perpetrate against women. Conversely, the more individuals are unemployed or in lower-status jobs, such as manual labor, the more violence they tend to commit against women.
5 Discussion
The findings of this study align with and expand upon existing research regarding the dimensions and determinants of domestic violence against women, particularly Afghan women in Mashhad, Iran. In comparison to previous studies, the research findings reaffirm the critical role of socio-economic and cultural factors in shaping the occurrence of violence against women.
Comparison to Previous Studies
Age and Domestic Violence: The current study confirms the findings of previous research by Burgess et al. (1944), who found that age is an important factor in the experience of violence, particularly among older women. In this study, it was shown that as Afghan women age, the likelihood of experiencing domestic violence increases. This could be attributed to the cumulative effects of gender inequality and economic hardship faced over time, particularly in the Afghan migrant context.
Financial Income and Violence: This study supports the work of Shiri (2019), which suggests that cultural poverty, including financial deprivation, contributes to domestic violence. The research further strengthens the argument that lower family income leads to increased violence against women, especially in households where men are unemployed. This finding is consistent with Shiri’s argument that economic hardship exacerbates gender-based violence, as poverty often creates a context where power imbalances become more pronounced.
Marriage Type and Violence: The study’s confirmation of a higher incidence of violence in non-consensual marriages is consistent with Zarei (2016), who discussed the cultural and social factors that underlie gender inequality and oppression. In this study, the most violent marriages were those based on traditional norms without the woman’s consent, which reflects cultural practices that treat women as subordinate to men and restrict their autonomy, leading to violence. This is aligned with Shiri’s findings that highlight the role of traditional, patriarchal marriage practices in reinforcing gender-based violence.
Husband’s Unemployment: The findings regarding the husband’s unemployment contributing to violence are aligned with the study by Burgess et al. (1944), who found that economic hardship within families often led to heightened violence, particularly when the male partner is unemployed or financially dependent. This study emphasizes the economic stress that unemployment places on families and its role in escalating violence against women.
Review and Confirmation of Research Hypotheses
This section reviews the confirmation or rejection of the initial hypotheses based on findings from Afghan migrant women in Mashhad, Iran, regarding domestic violence.
Age and Violence: Confirmed. A significant positive relationship was found between age and the four dimensions of violence (psychological, physical, sexual, and economic). Violence increases with age, especially in the 25–40+ age groups (99 % confidence level).
Income and Violence: Confirmed. A significant negative relationship was found between lower income and higher levels of violence, with lower family income correlating with increased violence against women (99 % confidence level).
Husband’s Unemployment and Violence: Confirmed. Unemployment was linked to higher levels of violence, particularly physical and economic violence. Men with higher education and stable employment (e.g. government jobs) exhibited lower levels of violence (99 % confidence level).
Marriage Type and Violence: Confirmed. Traditional, non-consensual marriages resulted in the highest levels of violence, with economic violence (65.55 %) and physical violence (65.37 %) being most prevalent in these marriages (99 % confidence level).
Contribution to the Body of Knowledge
The current study offers several contributions to the existing body of knowledge on domestic violence against women, especially within the context of Afghan migrants in Iran. Firstly, it provides a nuanced understanding of how socio-economic factors, such as age, income, and employment, interact with cultural factors like marriage practices to influence the prevalence of domestic violence. Specifically, the study deepens the understanding of Afghan migrant women’s vulnerability to violence in Iran, a context not widely explored in previous literature.
Secondly, by employing a survey-based approach with a large sample size, this research offers a robust statistical analysis of the factors contributing to domestic violence, further supporting the hypothesis that both cultural and socio-economic factors are significant in shaping the experiences of Afghan women in Mashhad.
Lastly, the research contributes to the existing theoretical framework by expanding on the four dimensions of violence – psychological, physical, sexual, and economic – and exploring how they intersect in the lives of Afghan migrant women. This multi-dimensional approach provides a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of violence that women experience in this context.
Limitations of the Current Study
One of the limitations of this study is the use of snowball sampling, which may have introduced selection bias. This could limit the diversity of the sample and its representativeness of the broader population of Afghan migrant women in Mashhad. Additionally, the reliance on self-reported data could result in social desirability bias, where participants may underreport instances of violence due to fear of stigma or retaliation.
Furthermore, the study focused on Afghan migrant women in Mashhad, which limits the generalizability of the findings to other populations of women in Iran or across other countries. Future research could benefit from exploring the experiences of Afghan women in other regions or countries to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the issue.
Implications for Policy and Practice
The findings of this study have significant implications for both policy and practice in addressing the needs of Afghan women in Iran, particularly in relation to domestic violence.
5.1 Policy Implications
Legal and Institutional Support: The government of Iran and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should strengthen legal frameworks and enforcement mechanisms that protect Afghan migrant women from domestic violence. Policies should focus on improving access to legal aid and support services for women, especially those in non-consensual marriages.
Financial Support Programs: Given the significant relationship between low family income and violence, targeted economic assistance programs for Afghan migrant women should be introduced to alleviate financial stress and empower women. Programs focused on income-generating activities for women could reduce economic dependence on their husbands and mitigate the occurrence of violence.
Education and Awareness Campaigns: Awareness campaigns should be launched to promote gender equality and address cultural attitudes that condone violence, especially in the context of traditional marriage. Such campaigns could target both men and women and focus on shifting attitudes towards women’s autonomy and rights.
5.2 Practical Implications
Support Services: There is a need for more accessible support services for Afghan women who experience violence. These could include shelters, counseling, legal services, and financial support, particularly in cities with high concentrations of Afghan migrants such as Mashhad.
Community-Based Interventions: Programs that work within Afghan migrant communities to address the root causes of violence, such as cultural poverty and gender inequality, could help to prevent violence. These interventions should involve community leaders and elders to encourage social and cultural change at the grassroots level.
Finally, this study highlights the multifaceted nature of domestic violence against Afghan women in Mashhad, underscoring the importance of addressing both socio-economic and cultural factors. The findings provide valuable insights for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers aiming to reduce violence and improve the well-being of Afghan migrant women in Iran.
6 Conclusions
This study provides important insights into the dimensions of domestic violence against Afghan women in Mashhad, Iran. The findings suggest that several socio-economic and cultural factors contribute significantly to the prevalence of domestic violence. Specifically, age, low family income, husband’s unemployment, and the type of marriage emerged as key determinants. The results indicate that as women age, they are more likely to experience violence, and that lower income levels and unemployment exacerbate the risk. Additionally, the study highlights the critical role that non-consensual traditional marriages play in increasing the likelihood of violence, particularly in terms of economic, physical, and sexual abuse.
In summary, the study confirms that age, economic instability, and the nature of marriage are central to understanding the experiences of domestic violence among Afghan women in Mashhad. These findings suggest the need for targeted interventions that address these socio-economic and cultural factors to reduce violence and improve the well-being of Afghan migrant women in the region.
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Research ethics: Not applicable.
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Informed consent: Not applicable.
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Author contributions: All authors have accepted responsibility for the entire content of this manuscript and approved its submission.
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Use of Large Language Models, AI and Machine Learning Tools: None declared.
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Conflict of interest: The authors state no conflict of interest.
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Research funding: None declared.
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Data availability: Not applicable.
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