Socio-Economic Integration Within and Through Small-Scale Family Businesses of Turkish-Origin Entrepreneurs in Germany

3.1.1 Autoethnography

My experience as a migrant worker in a third-generation family business profoundly shapes the research approach and offers significant insiderness, as reflected in the autoethnographic insights. In 2018, I worked for one month at a relative’s small gastronomy shop in Duisburg. This role involved observing the formation and business relations of this enterprise, as well as those of other nearby migrant businesses with similar family business characteristics.

Through autoethnography, I gained a comprehensive understanding of various aspects of these businesses, including their organization, material acquisition, resource management, gendered division of labour, and the utilization of cultural capital. The experience also shed light on self-exploitation and interactions with customers. During this period, I engaged in multiple discussions with migrant entrepreneurs and workers, documenting my observations and reflections in a diary. This autoethnographic approach allowed me to inform the research’s fieldwork with insights on where to focus participant observation, what questions to ask during interviews, and how to build a nuanced, migrant-centred perspective for analysing concepts like motivations, resources, integration, discrimination, belonging, and work flexibility. Such experience helps to foster reflexivity as “a dialogue” between me, researcher, and social world which I am engaged for my work. This dialogue includes challenging the assumptions and perspectives including my owns and introspecting my subjectivity (Palaganas et al. 2017).

Despite the value of this insiderness, I maintained a self-reflexive stance to ensure that the analysis remained grounded in empirical evidence and theoretical frameworks. The autoethnographic insights provided access to “behind the scenes” dynamics within these enterprises. For instance, one significant incident involved not being paid for my work, as the owner claimed that the business did not generate enough profit and described my time there as “helping the family.” Similarly, two other women from the kin were also unpaid. This experience highlighted how small-scale migrant family businesses utilize family members as a resource to maintain low wages and flexible labour. Patriarchal relations persist, reinforcing dependencies among younger male and female workers, a phenomenon discussed by Phizacklea (1988).

3.1.2 Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness in this research is ensured through several key strategies that align with ethnographic methods. Generous engagement with participants was prioritized, allowing for a deep and nuanced understanding of their experiences and perspectives. Throughout the process, I maintained a vigilant approach to saturation, ensuring that the themes emerging from the in-depth interviews reflected consistent patterns across multiple participants and settings, rather than being influenced by a single viewpoint or my personal assumptions. Self-reflexivity played a critical role, as I continuously examined my own positioning, biases, and the potential impact of my identities, striving to interpret the data as authentically as possible. Additionally, I remained aware of the influence of gatekeepers, recognizing that their identities and roles could affect the access they provided and the dynamics of the interactions, thereby shaping the research process in subtle yet significant ways. Ethnography is inherently a dynamic interaction with people, where power relations naturally emerge, especially as the researcher is the one asking questions. Recognizing this, I approached the field with an acceptance of its complexities. I gathered and interpreted the data with careful consideration of these dynamics, acknowledging them as organic parts of the ethnography.

4.1.1 Upward Social Mobility and Migrant Agency

In this study, unemployment is not found as a motivation for self-employment. Instead, participants express dissatisfaction with their previous work experiences, driven by workplace discrimination and low wages. Unequal treatment compared to their native colleagues is a common experience. The primary motivation revealed through data analysis is the pursuit of upward social mobility. Participants frequently cite the desire for better working conditions, higher salaries, and improved social status, as I will illustrate below. However, these aspirations are deeply and directly influenced by migrant agency; the ability of individuals to seek better work and social conditions is contingent upon micro-level factors. Therefore, I present upward social mobility and migrant agency as interdependent themes in this section.

Aspirations for upward social mobility are particularly explicit among second- and third-generation business owners. Drawing from interview narratives, individuals with migration backgrounds tend to face discrimination in the job market, regardless of their education level and qualifications. They are often expected to take over their parents’ jobs, typically those classified as migrant work. Opportunities in the labor market are significantly shaped by the political-institutional context, which is also filtered through migration background and ethnic identity. The children of the guestworker generation commonly express a reluctance to inherit their parents’ roles in the labour force, which are often labour-intensive, poorly paid, and low in status. Muhsin’s words exemplify a common sentiment among interviewees: the rejection of taking over migrant work;

My father worked at a pipe factory. I visited the factory when I was 15 years old. I saw six or seven people approaching me, dressed in typical worker’s attire with hats on their heads. Their faces were covered in black soot, and at first, I could not recognise my father among them. However, upon a closer look, I realised it was indeed him. At that moment, I decided that I would not work there.

The memory of his father’s harsh working conditions, which rendered him almost unrecognizable, was a turning point that drove him to seek better opportunities. Motivated by this, he pursued self-employment from a young age. This issue is equally significant for participants who have personally endured labour-intensive work conditions and workplace discrimination. Bahri reflects on his past work experiences with the following statement:

I used to work as a contractor on highways. Most of my co-workers were foreigners, many of whom were Africans. I noticed that Germans were given more comfortable tasks, like handling and placing materials, while Turks, Africans, and Bulgarians were assigned the more gruelling work, such as carrying stones. I questioned this disparity, asking why everyone wasn’t given the same tasks if we were all being paid the same. Such incidents made me uncomfortable, especially given my personality. It was then that I decided to start my own business.

The examples provided by Muhsin and Bahri illustrate that agency is a crucial factor for achieving upward social mobility. Their decisions to pursue self-employment were driven by personal experiences and a desire to escape labour-intensive and discriminatory work conditions. This highlights how micro-level strategies and motivations are deeply intertwined with macro-level social phenomena. These narratives also suggest that individual agency is influenced by the level of integration into the host society. For those who grew up in Germany, personal motivations and expectations often reflect a desire for equality, as indicated by the aspiration to attain lifestyles similar to those of native Germans, or as commonly expressed in the interviews, “like Germans have”, “like Germans do”. In fact, unequal division of labour at work is the major motivation for Bahri. Pursuing upward mobility is not only about having desire for something better, but also resisting what they had been directed into. Levent talks about how their store with his father turned out to be whole family business because of disappointments they faced at job market;

My brother, Selahattin, studied business management. He was working somewhere else, but we were very offended by the working conditions he had despite from his university degree. So, we brought him in to work with us. After our other brother finished school, he didn’t even want to go to university because of all this. So, we took him in and sent him to a vocational school to work with us afterwords.

Nevertheless, pursuing upward social mobility is insufficient without the necessary means. Even for the most ambitious and risk-taking individuals, access to certain resources is essential. In the context of this study, family serves as the primary resource. In the next section, I will discuss how family embeddedness significantly alters work relations.

4.1.2 Family Embeddedness and Work Flexibility

In the analysis, it is crucial not to conceptualize migration-background individuals as mere passive victims, as such a perspective risk naturalizing and perpetuating structural inequalities. While ongoing discrimination and racism are significant factors, it is important to also consider the resources and adaptation strategies that migration backgrounds and ethnic communities bring to the discussion. Building on this, the findings reveal that migrant entrepreneurs strategically utilize their available resources to enhance their market competitiveness. In this respect, family embeddedness has emerged as a major resource in terms of human capital, aligning with findings from Tolciu, Schaland, and El-Cherkeh (2010). Participants frequently described their family and kin members as “life-saving” and “very helpful”. This extends beyond traditional definitions of family businesses; data analysis shows that many businesses rely not only on a core group of stable employees but also on other family members who contribute occasionally as needed. This supports the notion that the likelihood of having a low-paid, informal, or unpaid workforce is higher in migrant entrepreneurship, as noted by Schmiz (2013) and Pütz, Schreiber, and Welpe (2007).

Serdar’s comment further explores why small-scale family businesses associated with immigrant groups often rely heavily on family support;

First of all, this is an occupation abandoned by Germans, not an area where they particularly want to work because it requires intensified labour. At the same time, it is necessary to show the ability to organize quickly with family, relatives, and similar relationships, especially when starting a business. In this regard, communities such as Syrians, Arabs, and people from Turkey can be more effective. A family business, a shop with their spouses and children, is not very feasible for a European. If you are looking for employment in Germany, do not have any education in Europe, and have come from another part of the world with little capital, trade is the only way for you to live more comfortably.

During my autoethnography, I observed that trust and commitment between business owners and workers, coupled with the transfer of knowledge and skills, are particularly prominent in family enterprises. Participant observation revealed that new workers are often groomed with the prospect of eventually taking over the business. Such relationships foster heightened work flexibility, evident in practices such as extended operating hours, additional shifts, and the availability of substitute workers during emergencies. The ability to employ family members at minimal wages provides a significant competitive advantage. The exploitation of family and kin members, often exacerbated by gender inequality, further amplifies economic gains. As Pütz and his colleagues noted, “self-exploitation of the entrepreneur and collaboration without pay by family members are thus frequently the only success factors with which to retain the business” (Pütz, Schreiber, and Welpe 2007, 496). Consequently, the combination of family embeddedness and work flexibility – reinforced by the very essence of family involvement – emerges as the cornerstone resource for these enterprises. Erdal exemplifies how family is leveraged as both a financial and human capital resource;

From what I’ve observed, the Germans would always reserve the good jobs for themselves. They would give the foreigners the hardest and dirtiest jobs in the factory. Seeing this, our people thought it would be better to be their own boss. They would gather some money, 10,000 from an uncle, 10,000 from another uncle, and with a little bit of their own savings, everyone would start these small kiosk-like businesses. That’s how these things started. And I think it’s still going on this way. They say, “Instead of being mistreated in a factory, my spouse and I can work together and become our own boss”. This pushes people in that direction. The whole family works together, and automatically, they find workers. They move from being workers to becoming employers.

“Being your own boss” is indeed something to celebrate among narratives, as it offers work flexibility, the opportunity to organize your own schedule, tasks, and vacations. With the added benefit of having family members as employees, planning doesn’t always need to follow the conventional rules, allowing business owners to maximize their financial gains. For many, pursuing hobbies, spending time with family, and taking vacations are linked to a higher level of integration, which they attribute to their entrepreneurial success. Mehmet, for instance, shared that after becoming self-employed, he developed new interests:

I made the most out of living in Germany as I earned more than I did as an employee. Economic gain has raised our standard of living. I became immediately interested in hobbies. I started running three days a week. We bought a caravan for our family and learned how to camp. In the past, even if you could afford it, you did not have enough time for these things. The difference with owning a business is that you have the chance to organise your schedule.

However, in practice, work flexibility often highlights the discrepancy between the desire to “be my own boss” and the reality of working longer hours than before. Although many entrepreneurs are responsible for the organizational aspects of labour, they frequently find themselves simultaneously handling material acquisition, production, commerce, and emotional labour. In fact, participants generally report working more as business owners than they did before. Bahri’s words are a good representation of these aspects among interviews;

So, it is not something that attracts them. Germans also earn decent money with a job. Why bother with the stress of running a shop? Then you have to be flexible with family members and other relationships. This place closes at 22.30, and Lidl closes at 21.00. A German does not want to work until half past ten. When something happens, my relatives stay here, I go on leave, and my family manage the shop. They (Germans) do not have that kind of support. If they go on vacation, they simply write ‘I am on vacation on Friday’ on the window and leave. They do not think about the customers here. Germans say, ‘Go and buy it from another market’. Since migrants have a different approach, Germans could not compete in this sector.

While family embeddedness emerged as a highly beneficial business strategy, contrary to other studies, ethnic solidarity and support did not appear to be significant resources. Particularly for female entrepreneurs, gender relations negatively affect family and co-ethnic support, as well as trust within the community (Hillmann 1999). Even male participants reported limited benefits from such networks. The findings align with Berwing’s (2019) research, indicating that most migrants do not use co-ethnic resources or interactions in their businesses. This suggests that labelling individuals with a Turkish migration-background in Germany as part of an ethnic enclave overlooks the nuanced degrees of integration and exaggerates the impact of ethnic solidarity and support. Ethnic relations and embeddedness are found to be more contextual, symbolic, and instrumental, with cultural knowledge derived from ethnicity playing a limited role.

In the interviews, none of the participants reported receiving financial or social support from their Turkish migration-background community during the business-building process. Instead, some noted facing challenges within the migrant community itself. Three female entrepreneurs mentioned facing harsh criticism from their co-ethnic networks. Nevra summarized this experience, saying, “the Turks’ role was to say that she could not do it.” Kadir’s remarks illustrate a common sentiment among entrepreneurs regarding the role of migration backgrounds from Turkey in the business-building process;

Nothing. No solidarity or anything. If it were up to them, we wouldn’t even open it at all. They can’t do anything; they just talk behind our backs. That’s the only way they do it.

4.2.1 Belonging

Embeddedness within the political and institutional context through enterprises is closely linked to socio-economic integration. Participants frequently referenced adaptation to bureaucracy, interactions with legislative institutions, and intergroup contact through business relationships. These elements contribute to their sense of belonging, as supported by Barberis and Solano (2018). Data analysis reveals that the sense of belonging is a central theme commonly identified among participants when discussing their embeddedness within the opportunity structure. While knowledge of bureaucracy and market dynamics can serve as resources linked to higher integration, a sense of belonging is more accurately described as a condition. In this study, being embedded within the political and institutional context is an inseparable aspect of small-scale migrant family businesses. These attachments or sense of belonging may evoke socialization processes that aren’t necessarily tied to structural factors, but that is not the case here. Belonging is significantly shaped by the legal framework and the social positioning of individuals with migration backgrounds within the opportunity structure. The narratives below illustrate how belonging functions as a signifier of social embeddedness and how participants navigate institutional challenges.

The sense of belonging, though, is unique to each subject’s definition. According to Jones and Krzyzanowski (2008), belonging is a contingent notion that lacks a precise definition in social sciences. They suggest that while a general analysis is challenging, belonging often arises when individuals feel a connection with a group. This connection is evident in participants’ definitions. The most common statement during the interviews was “being accepted by social surroundings”. First-generation business owners describe self-employment as a pathway to learning, better adaptation, and deeper understanding of society. It fosters relationships with the local community, which, in turn, strengthens their embeddedness within the social structure. Vedat’s comment represents a common first generation entrepreneur perspective:

After becoming an employer, I can say that I took the integration of German culture and Germany to a further level. Because when I was a Turkish worker, I had a certain group of friends. They were of Turkish or foreign origin. But after becoming an employer, you have to be there for everyone. German, Italian, that is, all of them. Then a different environment develops. Therefore, this made integration a bit easier.

In the interviews, the concept of belonging was not framed as a strict condition but rather as a socially interactive phenomenon. Ibrahim’s comment exemplifies this:

I can say that I experience feelings of being both a local and a foreigner at the same time. I am both integrated and not fully integrated. The question is, has Germany adapted to people like me?

He emphasizes that his efforts to adapt to German norms and cultures often go unrecognized, despite his best efforts. Much of his focus has been on navigating bureaucracy. Most small-scale business owners in this study prioritize completing paperwork and paying taxes on time, arguing that their migration background does not lead to legal inequalities. They believe that successful integration is linked to adhering to these rules. Although some participants recounted experiences of discrimination and racism during official inspections, they did not attribute these instances to institutionalized discrimination. This paradox is common among migrant entrepreneurs, who feel that fulfilling their bureaucratic duties will lead to broader societal acceptance. Özcan’s experience illustrates this issue,

Is there any discrimination during controls? Of course, it depends on the person who conducts it. If they do not like Turks, they may look for problems to find fault somehow. But such individuals in this line of work have become less common. I have never been fined. You always pay your insurance and take care of everything. You keep your papers and show them when asked. When you go to an office or an institution, your name and nationality do not matter to those working there. Whether or not Özcan pays taxes, he is treated equally. Okay, they quickly take care of what you need. If a German does not pay taxes, can they discriminate against them because they are German?

What’s noteworthy is that many participants described similar experiences with what they termed “individual misconduct.” Officers who inspect migrant-owned businesses in various cities often seem to be those “problematic” ones. On the other hand, most participants believe that inspections are often more stringent for migrant businesses. Kudret does not hesitate to label these practices as discriminatory:

(discrimination) is institutional. I witnessed this. It is done openly among the Germans. I believe that if you do what the Germans are doing, they block you there. They try to block you from every direction. People have adopted this as a policy. People (migrants) are afraid when they are called by the bank as if the state has called them. I saw people at that level.

Nevertheless, some participants reported fines for having informal workers, while others struggled to manage paperwork. Even if migrant-background individuals are perceived as more prone to fraud, the social and economic conditions that perpetuate these issues are rooted in a political and institutional context that initially discriminates against them.

4.2.2 Adaptation to Local Markets

Adaptation to local markets requires an in-depth awareness of the local social structure. Understanding what types of businesses can thrive, identifying the needs and demands of the community, and knowing who the residents are, are all critical components. Additionally, insight into which types of businesses can navigate the bureaucratic processes more smoothly in that specific area is essential. For individuals with migration backgrounds, these calculations go beyond the standard profit margins for small-scale businesses. For example, the decision to display or downplay ethnic identity often depends on the specific business branch and the local market dynamics. In the context of this study, such embeddedness into the opportunity structure is crucial, as it sustains these various considerations and enables entrepreneurs to align their strategies with the local environment effectively. For instance, Levent and İsmail intentionally hire non-migration background German workers to present their business as “less Turkish”. Quick adaptation to changes in market dynamics and customer demands is argued to be critical. Decisiveness, determination, and risk-taking are often viewed as key qualities associated with the abstract concept of “Turkishness,” as commonly referred to by participants. According to their narratives, the “flexible behaviour of Turks” in the labour market is an expression of their adaptive skills. This is not merely a primordialist reference; rather, Turkishness is invoked to denote creativity, flexibility, and problem-solving. Conversely, Germanness is characterized as honest and trustworthy but also associated with individualism and a conservative approach to entrepreneurship.

In this case, small-scale business owners with a Turkish migration background had to exert additional effort to succeed. Although these businesses typically charge less than other enterprises in the same fields, they compensate by working longer hours and leveraging family embeddedness. For instance, Kadir’s bakery opens at 08:00 and closes at 20:30, six days a week. Another bakery located less than 1 km away operates only five days a week, from 09:00 to 18:00, with reduced hours on Wednesdays (12:00 to 16:00). To increase their market competitiveness, owners also diversify their product offerings. Creative business strategies are evident in their products: Kadir sells not only bread and sandwiches but also hot and cold appetizers from Turkish cuisine, alongside baklava and tiramisu, similar to Gülay’s shop. At Erdal’s döner shop, customers can purchase falafel and sigara böreği – an increasingly common offering in döner shops across Germany. Mehmet’s restaurant includes German dishes, while Volkan’s, Remzi’s, and Bahri’s markets carry brands from various Middle Eastern countries. These examples from field observations demonstrate that Turkish-origin businesses, particularly in the gastronomy and trade sectors, exhibit a creative and flexible character that participants believe contributes to business success. All participants reported that their businesses are either growing or stable and that they are content with their current situation, with the exception of supermarket owner Remzi, who plans to retire. None of the participants are facing financial difficulties.

Some participants have had prior business ventures. For instance, Muhsin mentions that his first two shops went bankrupt. Others have changed the location or branch of their businesses, though they do not explicitly refer to these changes as failures. Intense competition and discrimination based on migration background have consequently enhanced the capabilities of the self-employed. Drawing from the interviews, participants describe themselves as self-confident individuals, having had to overcome various challenges and navigate a more difficult path than their native counterparts. This confidence is also evident in their tone and attitude. For many, success is essential and irreplaceable. They feel the need to exceed the expectations set by native businesses, striving to outperform their German counterparts. Failure is not an option; otherwise, they would have to return to so-called migrant work, a prospect all participants are eager to avoid. İsmail encapsulates this sentiment perfectly:

Now, when I go by the name İsmail Akıncı as a Turk, and the other person goes by the name Thomas Müller, I already begin with a 1-0 deficit. However, I can still end the match with a 1-0 deficit without conceding another goal. That is what I mean. We are doomed to be successful here if we are trading. Success is not an option, but a must.

Adaptation to local markets involves not only understanding business dynamics but also cultivating a robust social network. As noted by Allen and Busse (2016), social integration is significantly enhanced through interactions between natives and migrant entrepreneurs. Kemal’s comment underscores this point:

Absolutely, (business ownership) had an effect. When I first came here, I experienced quite a few adaptation issues. I mentioned earlier that I worked in a factory for two or three jobs. During that time, I had quite a few problems. Integration, as you know, is an effort to understand and get to know each other mutually. (…) For example, some Germans made efforts for my integration, but I still felt distant. However, once I started trading, German society started to get to know me, and I started to get to know Germans. I had the opportunity to get to know Germans through working together and having them as clients. I got to know German culture. They got to know us more closely. And I realized that it is possible to integrate with them while preserving my own culture.

Social interactions within and around small-scale businesses are highly valued by participants. Entrepreneurship fosters and strengthens contacts with local residents. This finding challenges Pécoud’s (2003) view that businesses create minimal connections and have little impact on existing power dynamics. Ali’s experience illustrates how these interactions can help combat collective stigmatization. He took over a kiosk from a German owner who had run the business for decades. Initially, local customers were displeased with the change to a foreign owner. However, after time and personal interactions, Ali was accepted, as customers got to know him personally. Despite this acceptance, Ali expressed frustration that, as someone born in Germany, he still faced such challenges.

4.2.3 Market Ghettoization and New Migrant Entrepreneurs

Ghettoized markets create distinct social and economic spheres where migrants attempt to integrate (Glinka 2018). The term ethnic niche has been discussed as not universally applicable to all Turkish-origin small-scale family businesses. However, certain sectors, such as halal businesses, are still strongly associated with immigrants. In this study, market ghettoization is conceptualized specifically for these businesses, where the notion of halal is indispensable. Yet, even within these niches, the realities are more complex than the classical definition suggests. Halal businesses are not marginalized from mainstream markets; instead, they have evolved to adapt to them. In other words, depending on the business branch, market ghettoization is a particular sphere in which entrepreneurs are embedded.

Kadriye’s çiğköfte shop, for example, is strategically located in front of a university building, attracting a diverse clientele, including many vegan and young German customers. She exclusively hires Turkish-origin women to work at the counter, having noticed that her customers appreciate the image of a “vegan and migrant women-owned business”. Despite having a back entrance, she deliberately brings food supplies through the front door, emphasizing, “to show women can do it too”.

Market ghettoization broadens the understanding of adaptation to market dynamics. Rather than simply fitting into pre-existing structures, this study finds that a particular stratification exists within halal migrant businesses. The influence of new migrants from predominantly Muslim countries on these ghettoized markets is a relatively recent phenomenon. As Ali explains, small-scale gastronomy businesses often bear a distinctly migratory character:

This sector has been in the hands of foreigners for years. There were Germans, but they all withdrew. Wherever you look, 80 per cent, at least 70 per cent, are foreigners. It is always in the hands of foreigners.

The OECD and EU report that “Support for migrant entrepreneurs has drastically expanded in recent years, partially due to the refugee inflow since 2015, supported by the idea that immigrants have a higher propensity to start a firm than people born in Germany” (2018, 22). Analysis of participant narratives and field observations indicate that the recent increase in migrant businesses in Germany, following the arrival of refugees from Muslim-majority countries, has transformed social and economic dynamics for Turkish-origin migrants. The key factors are the time of arrival and difference in integration levels between established and new immigrants (outsiders) (Elias and Scotson 1965). These variations in interactions can lead to conflicts due to competition or foster business solidarity. Both outcomes reflect hierarchical perceptions of newcomers. Kadriye, for example, expresses dissatisfaction with the new migrant and refugee communities:

After the arrival of refugees from Syria, Germany’s economy suffered in many areas. When Turks want to start a business, they do not receive any support from the German state, but when Syrians start a business, they receive full support. Syrians have more opportunities than children who study here. Even if they open a shop, become shop owner, or even do an Ausbildung, they receive support from the state. This situation makes people very angry.

One might argue that her positions are contradictory. This highlights the need to consider the ambiguity involved. For her business, a migrant identity is advantageous for marketing. Yet, she blames the new migrants, perceiving herself as a successfully integrated resident while viewing newcomers as exploiters of Germany. New businesses owned by refugees are often criticized for lowering prices and compromising quality. Remzi comments:

Before the Syrians, we could earn bread. Now, it does not exist too.

As noted by Steigemann (2020), some Turkish and German entrepreneurs attribute market disruptions to new Muslim entrepreneurs. One participant remarked, “Sonnenallee is shitty. Back when only the Germans and Turkish were influencing the street’s image, everything was better” (Steigemann 2020, 91). In this research, blaming new “Muslim” businesses for market issues was a recurring theme, emerging even though the questions did not directly address it. İbrahim shares his concerns:

Other food and beverage shops, döner shops, falafel shops, kebab restaurants; you can see that there is a serious concern in the market here. It would be appropriate to say that there is a negative effect that comes with refugees establishing a business and the state paying their employees’ wages.

In contrast, established entrepreneurs often find themselves in a favourable position due to their legal status, language skills, experience, reputation, market knowledge, and social networks. Some have observed an increase in their customer base and market expansion. Murat explains:

Of course, it affects the market positively. The more the number rises, the higher our thing rises. The market is growing. The slice of the pie is getting bigger.

Therefore, it is meaningful to assert that ghettoized markets create their own conditions within inter-migrant communities. Participants’ comments reveal numerous hints of boundary-making, which are also processed within socio-economic integration dynamics. Newcomers are often described as “not knowing Germany” and “making mistakes that affect the image of all Muslims”. Through such narratives, participants identify themselves as those who have successfully integrated into Germany, emphasizing that “the new ones made it clear how much progress we had made”. The “Muslim others” in the job market, as conceptualized in other studies, do not represent a homogenous group. Although the discriminatory opportunity structure tends to categorize individuals with migration backgrounds from predominantly Muslim countries, established residents are positioned in markedly different structural conditions compared to new refugees. While this paper does not delve into the integration levels of newly arrived refugees, it is significant to note that among Turkish-origin individuals with migration backgrounds, a new group perception of “successfully integrated Muslims” has emerged as a common theme within halal businesses.

To conclude this section, it is crucial to highlight that all these sub-themes are interconnected elements. As emphasized in the mixed embeddedness literature, the interplay between motivations, resources, and opportunity structures is key to understanding the multifaceted nature of migration background positions and economic activities. The analytical approach borrowed from mixed embeddedness offers a holistic view that captures these multifaceted issues. Instead of isolating individual agencies or the political-institutional context of small-scale family businesses among those with Turkish migration backgrounds, I advocate for a nuanced approach. All sub-themes become more meaningful when considered together.