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The Family Man in Ip Man Series: Ip Man as the Locale of Changing Hegemonic Masculinities

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Published/Copyright: June 10, 2024
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Abstract

The Ip Man series (2008, 2010, 2015, 2019) presents the fictional narrative of Ip Man (starring Donnie Yen), a renowned martial artist, and positions him as a revered figure within the kung fu genre. While Confucianism and nationalism are common themes in this genre, these films diverge from convention by portraying Ip Man’s masculinity in a manner that incorporates traditionally feminine characteristics. This paper aims to explore how the Ip Man series expands the notion of hegemonic masculinity in the kung fu genre by drawing upon the Daoist concept of androgyny and emphasizing men’s roles within their families. Firstly, the film series establishes a traditional Daoist perspective of androgynous gender ideals, celebrating the presence of feminine qualities within masculinity. Building upon this foundation, the movies delve into Ip Man’s relationships with his wife and children, presenting him as a caring husband and nurturing father who grapples with ordinary family issues. By incorporating traits traditionally associated with femininity into the protagonist’s masculinity (such as care and nurture), the series introduces a new model of hegemonic masculinity that reflects the societal expectations of twenty-first century mainland China.

The Ip Man series (2008, 2010, 2015, 2019) comprises a collection of eponymous fictional narratives centered around the renowned martial artist Ip Man. These four films, starring Donnie Yen, chronicle various stages of Ip Man’s life, depicting his transformation from a wealthy individual to a victim of oppression during the Sino-Japanese War, and ultimately to a revered martial arts master in Hong Kong. Notably, he mentored numerous disciples, including the legendary Bruce Lee who made Wing Chun famous worldwide. Meanwhile, the movies delve into Ip Man’s personal life by portraying his interactions with his wife and children. Throughout the series, he engages in confrontations with foreign adversaries such as Japanese invaders, British colonizers, and American racists. Although these storylines lack historical accuracy, they construct an emblematic portrayal of a national martial hero who staunchly defends his country, his people, his family, and his martial arts institution. All four movies garnered significant acclaim domestically and internationally, particularly in Asian countries, amassing remarkable box office revenues of $22,114,423, $49,721,954, $156,835,197, and $192,617,891 respectively. These earnings secured their positions among the top ten highest-grossing films in Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia for their respective release years.

Recent scholarly research on the Ip Man movie series posits that Ip Man’s masculine identity is deeply intertwined with his nationalism and embodiment of the Confucian hero, or ruxia. Ip Man exemplifies the characteristics typically associated with Confucianism, consistently displaying his unwavering commitment to his nation and exhibiting benevolence in his actions. Furthermore, he serves as a modern exemplar of the knight-errant archetype, actively combating oppression, injustice, and, above all, championing the cause of his country and its people. Ip Man truly embodies the virtues espoused by traditional Confucianism. By reaffirming Confucianism represented in martial artists, kung fu movies such as the Ip Man series tends to simplify the cinematic visualization of traditional Chinese wen (civil) and wu (martial) masculinities. The ultimate Confucian goal to “rul[e] the country, pacif[y] the world,” as expounded in the “Great Learning,” also seamlessly aligns with the contemporary notion of nationalism prevalent in kung fu films within the Ip Man series, as well as their predecessors such as Bruce Lee’s films. As Nagel reveals, nationalism is by definition related to the state, whose institutions are dominated by men: “It is therefore no surprise that the culture and ideology of hegemonic masculinity go hand in hand with the culture and ideology of hegemonic nationalism.” This is precisely the reason why kung fu movies, including the Ip Man series, highlight the heroes’ nationalism to claim their masculinity. Kung fu movies, commonly set in Southern China during the early Republican era, have consistently remained deeply intertwined with modern Chinese political history and the construction of Chinese identity. Therefore, the nationalism displayed by kung fu heroes assumes a contemporary form of masculinity within this genre.

Nevertheless, the exploration of masculinities in the Ip Man series extends beyond Confucianism and nationalism, as evidenced by the evolving focus of each film within the series, reflecting the shift in hegemonic masculinity. The concept of “hegemonic masculinity,” as defined by Connell, acknowledges the existence of multiple masculinities, including both dominant and subordinate masculinities. As Messner points out, “[m]asculinity and femininity are constantly reconstructing themselves.” Small wonder that the series would go further to identify masculinities as “fluid, time-related and variable across cultures and eras as well as subject to change over the course of a person’s life, and within any given society at any one time.” Examining the Ip Man series, which spans over a decade, we can observe an expansion on the notion of hegemonic masculinity, with formerly subordinated masculinities gradually absorbed as part of hegemonic masculinity.

Given that genders are socially constructed, the profound transformations that have occurred in Mainland China over the past five decades have undoubtedly played a significant role in shaping masculinities. Traditional Chinese masculinities were mostly defined by Confucianism, the wen masculinity, but was also complemented by a wu masculinity. However, the “Open and Reform” policies implemented in Mainland China from 1978 onwards brought about profound shifts in societal dynamics. During the post-Mao era, Mainland Chinese male intellectuals began to grapple with a perceived “crisis of masculinity.” They viewed their relationship with the Communist Party as akin to a traditional father-son dynamic in which the son is obedient and therefore unmasculine, while the emancipation of women during the Mao era was deemed as something that would diminish men’s economic power. In response, male intellectuals reflected on their emasculation and endeavored to “remasculinize” Chinese culture, particularly during the 1980s. The changing economic landscape following the “Open and Reform” era introduced new forms of masculinity, particularly from the 1990s onward. Mainland China’s ascendance as the world’s second-largest economy as of 2015 significantly influenced the emergence of diverse masculinities. In post-Deng era, the flourishing economy gave rise to the urban middle class and engendered a variety of masculinities, including those associated with capitalism (i.e., a successful businessman was often viewed as “masculine”) and nationalism. Meanwhile, the new standard double-income families generated by the early 1980s’ “Single Child Policy” bring about the expectations of men taking the same familial responsibilities as with women.

Moreover, globalization has played a significant role in shaping the definition of masculinity in Mainland China as well, introducing the concept of the “New Father.” With the increasing interconnectedness of our world, cultural and historical understandings of gender in each society are constantly being challenged, modified, and revised, largely due to the influence of globalization and the globalized mass media. Connell introduces the concept of “the globalization of gender,” which is rooted in the hegemonic culture and institutions of North Atlantic countries. As a result, local definitions of gender orders inevitably negotiate with these global influences and, to a significant extent, incorporate them as integral components. The white, educated, middle-class men in North Atlantic countries, especially those within their popular culture, have embraced a model of “new” egalitarian masculinity. This model emphasizes qualities such as “softness” and “sensitivity,” which were traditionally associated with femininity. It also encompasses the idea of the “New Father,” who actively engages in parenting and displays nurturing qualities. This process of globalized masculinities also unsurprisingly extends to Chinese-speaking countries and regions. In conjunction with the evolving Chinese family structure, it collaboratively engenders the construction of a “new” egalitarian masculinity and the conceptualization of an engaged and nurturing paternal figure.

Given the aforementioned factors, it becomes evident that the Ip Man series ventures into a dimension of “new” masculinities that were previously unexplored in the realm of kung fu movies. While traditional Chinese masculinities, influenced by Confucianism, continue to hold sway in society, there has been an emergence of “new” masculinities that have found expression in mass media. The Ip Man series not only presents Ip Man as an ideal representation of the traditional Chinese man, but it also portrays him as a “new” modern man who embraces certain traditionally feminine characteristics. While presenting this “new” masculinity, the series also emphatically indicates that it is deeply rooted in Chinese traditions as well, this time Daoism: Ip Man is depicted as a family-oriented individual, a caring husband, and an understanding father. It is worth noting that the series spans from 2008 to 2019, and with each installment, there is a growing prominence in Ip Man assuming the role of the “new” man. This progression illustrates the change or expansion of the celebrated hegemonic masculinities depicted in the movies, which are gradually shaped within this widely embraced film franchise.

1 The Daoist Androgynous Ideal

In the opening scene of Ip Man 3 葉問 3, where Bruce Lee enters Ip Man’s house and asks to learn Wing Chun, Ip Man is leisurely trimming his bonsai trees. The room itself is adorned with an abundance of various plant species, evoking recollections of the garden in Ip Man’s house as depicted in Ip Man 1, as well as the rooftop terrace where he instructs his students in Ip Man 2. While Ip Man is undeniably portrayed as a prominent nationalistic hero, the presence of these small indoor plants conveys their profound significance in his life. The recurrent presence of nature throughout the three movies consistently signifies that Ip Man not only embodies the values of Confucianism and nationalism, but also embraces traditional Daoist beliefs and lifestyle. It is through the lens of Daoist philosophy that the stage is set for the expansion of hegemonic masculinity in these films, which encompasses traits typically associated with femininity.

Among all the Daoist values, the concept of gender is a particularly intriguing subject when we look at kung fu movies. In contrast to the contemporary Western masculinity, which features “this ‘macho man,’ whose power is made manifest in brute physical strength and unerring silence”, Daoism appears to celebrate the femininity. In fact, Needham posits that Daoism may even be advocating an ancient matriarchal society by emphasizing feminine characteristics such as tolerance, yielding, permissiveness, receptiveness and resignation. When it comes to the appreciation of feminine characteristics in Daoism, recent scholars concur with Needham, arguing against the notion that Daoism diminishes masculinity. They point out that Daoism promotes a balance between yin (the feminine) and yang (the masculine), the integration and interchangeability of these forces, and the embodiment of yin and yang within one corporeal form—an androgynous ideal. Although the concepts of yin and yang originated from a more ancient culture, they have become more closely associated with Daoism, as Daoism utilizes them extensively to elucidate its cosmology. While contemporary kung fu movies have been inevitably influenced by Western cinema in their portrayals of masculinity, the Ip Man series stands as a groundbreaking example that returns to these traditional Daoist values—what Ames refers to this as “the androgynous ideal.” In these films, the protagonist Ip Man embraces feminine qualities within his masculinity, thus revitalizing and reconstructing a Daoist gender ideal within kung fu movies.

Ip Man’s kung fu is Wing Chun whose origin is associated with femininity, but it does not appear to engender any feelings of insecurity about his masculinity. The Ip Man series places significant emphasis on Wing Chun, dedicating considerable attention to its portrayal in all of Ip Man’s fight scenes. In these scenes, the cinematic focus on Ip Man’s Wing Chun technique is worth noting. It is evident that Wing Chun possesses certain characteristics commonly associated with “women’s kung fu,” as remarked by Kam Shan-chau 金山找 during his duel with Ip Man. These characteristics include an emphasis on speed over strength, defense over offense, evasion over attack, and, most notably, the renowned “one-inch punch.” These attributes align well with the physical advantages and disadvantages typically associated with women. However, Ip Man, prior to their duel, reminds Kam Shan-chau in the film that “Good kung fu does not depend on age or sex, but on who uses it.” In her Masculinities, Connell talks about four main strategies to define masculinity—essentialist, positivist, normative and semiotic. Normative definitions for these strategies are “often found in media studies,” reinforcing the impression that “masculinity is what men ought to be.” When employing the “feminine” Wing Chun, Ip Man’s actions and movements exude decisiveness and precision, thereby fulfilling the audience’s expectations of normative masculinity.

More importantly, in order to reaffirm his masculinity to the audience, Ip Man consistently emerges as the victor in his fights, despite employing Wing Chun, which tends to be seen as “women’s kung fu.” This success in combat serves as another element of normative masculinity. Ip Man triumphs over various opponents who are portrayed as embodiments of traditional masculine qualities, including Kam Shan-chau. In the significant and comical duel between Ip Man and Kam Shan-chau in Ip Man 1, Kam, representing Northern martial arts, employs Shaobei quan 少北拳, characterized by strength and broad movements, providing a stark masculine contrast to Wing Chun. Kam launches aggressive attacks, even breaking the ceramics within the house, while Ip Man, utilizing the feminine Wing Chun, relies on small, precise movements for defense. As expected by normative masculinity, Ip Man ends up the victor in the battle.

Moreover, the choice of weapons wielded by the two martial artists, Kam and Ip Man, should not be overlooked—Kam wields a wide blade, while Ip Man holds a feather duster. The wide blade serves as a symbolic representation of Kam’s character—arrogant, straightforward, but simplistic, which aligns with the traditional association of masculinity or yang. Conversely, the feather duster serves as a reminder of Ip Man’s femininity—it is a household cleaning tool traditionally associated with women performing domestic chores, used by someone practicing “women’s kung fu.” Older audiences may also recall that parents, particularly mothers, often make use of a feather duster for disciplining their children. This battle vividly demonstrates the teachings of the Daoist canon Dao de jing: “The soft prevails over the hard and the weak prevails over the strong.” Both Ip Man’s fighting style and weapon can be perceived as “soft” and “weak,” while Kam’s represent the “hard” and the “strong.” The reversal of yin and yang between the hero and the anti-hero, as well as the simulation of a parent-child dynamic, contribute to the comical effects of this fight sequence. However, it is important to note that the comical elements came from Kam’s actions, as it is Ip Man, who embodies the “soft” femininity, ultimately triumphs over Kam’s “hard” masculinity. At the end of the battle, the one eliciting laughter is not the victorious hero but a role that serves to strengthen Ip Man’s masculinity and presents him as a Daoist hero who utilizes yin kung fu to attain yang triumph. This portrayal reinforces the notion of the Daoist androgynous ideal, highlighting Ip Man’s ability to balance and integrate both feminine and masculine qualities in his fighting style and overall character.

The contrast between the traditional Daoist gender ideal and modern Western masculinity is evident in the Ip Man movie series. This contrast is exemplified in the duels between Ip Man and Western boxers in Ip Man 2 and Ip Man 3, foregrounding the differences between traditional Chinese and contemporary Western masculinities. In her research, Kath Woodward points out how boxing represents a typical Western “hegemonic masculinity” as she submits: “It is a sport characterized by corporeal contact, courage, danger and in some cases violence…” The British boxer in Ip Man 2, “The Twister,” exemplifies these traits and displays his masculinity by being shirtless, meant to emphasize his physicality. Woodward also observes that “[b]oxing is all about bodies,” so the body is the central stage of masculinity. In contrast, Ip Man is depicted as wearing a traditional Chinese gown that fully covers his body from neck to toe. On the one hand, the full coverage of the body symbolizes “the epitome of corporeal integrity;” the lack of the exposure of the body, on the other hand, reinforces the image of the traditional Chinese “asexual” or even “celibate” hero. This portrayal negates the emphasis on the body in Western masculinity and instead celebrates a Chinese traditional ideal of a “softer, cerebral male.” Despite fighting at a physical disadvantage, Ip Man can always take advantage of his feminine kung fu, Wing Chun, to strategize every move during the fight, such as using continuous punches and cutting into the middle line. In line with Daoist principles, Ip Man’s swift, soft, and flexible approach eventually triumphs over the powerful and physically dominant masculine muscles of his opponents. This battle showcases normative masculinity through the ultimate triumph, but it is achieved through the absence of masculine body and the conspicuous presence of a feminine fighting style. The depiction underscores the androgynous essence of the Daoist concept of gender ideal, embracing yin approaches to attain yang outcomes.

In this regard, while the Ip Man series asserts the protagonist’s masculinity by means of victories, the movies also celebrate the feminine features that he embodies. Although Daoism may not take center stage in the first three Ip Man movies, Daoist ideas are undeniably integrated into various aspects of the films. Looking back at the opening scene of Ip Man 3, where Bruce Lee expresses his desire to learn from Ip Man and demonstrates his speed in combat, he effortlessly kicks every cigarette thrown at him by Ip Man, but struggles to kick the water poured towards him effectively. This scene evokes the famous quote of the real Bruce Lee, “be water,” which, much like this scene, draws heavily from the Daoist concept of water being soft and weak yet incredibly powerful—an embodiment of the androgynous ideal. Throughout all three movies, such subtle moments further enhance our understanding of a masculinity that embraces yin or femininity, which provide a natural foundation for the exploration of expanded realms of “new” masculinities, as the Chinese-speaking audience is already familiar with and appreciates these traditional Daoist ideals.

2 A “New” Husband

Ip Man is portrayed as a “new man” right from the outset of the series. Unlike many other kung fu movies that primarily cater to the male audience by emphasizing a macho form of masculinity, the Ip Man series stands out as an exception. Interestingly, they have even gained unexpected popularity among female viewers as is noted by various media. This unique achievement can be attributed to the series’ ability to establish a “new” form of masculinity that resonates with the female audience without alienating its male audience. By effectively combining elements of both traditional and contemporary masculinities, the Ip Man series successfully broadened the definition of hegemonic masculinity, expanding the boundaries of societal expectations.

Despite being contextualized in the 1930s–1960s, Ip Man is portrayed as a “new man” throughout the series. A case in point is Ip Man’s empathy with and approval of a companionate marriage which is evident from the very beginning of the series with Ip Man 1. In American history, Amato identifies three dominant types of marriage: institutional marriage, companionate marriage, and individualistic marriage. A similar trend can be observed in Chinese history as well. Institutional marriage was prevalent till late nineteenth century when US was still mostly rural. This kind of marriage expects spouses “not only to conform to traditional standards of behavior, but also to sacrifice their personal goals, if necessary, for the sake of the marriage.” Similarly, arranged marriages in China held identical expectations as of the early twentieth century. As the United States underwent industrialization in the early to mid-twentieth century, the dominant ideal shifted towards companionate marriage which was “based on ties of mutual affection between spouses.” Likewise, with China’s industrialization ever since the early twentieth century, companionate marriage has also become a social norm and ideal by the end of twentieth century. The concept of individualistic marriages emerged in American culture during the 1960s and 1970s, embracing the notion of “expressive individualism.” These unions not merely value love, “but […] are successful only to the extent that they meet each partner’s innermost psychological needs.” Alternatively put, self-fulfillment is valued more than mutual affection in such marriages. China experienced a similar trend in the early twenty-first century as influenced by American thoughts such as individualism during the process of globalization. However, due to the lingering influence of traditional and Communist values emphasizing collectivism, companionate marriage continues to be a social ideal in Mainland China, despite the increasing prevalence of individualistic marriages.

The Ip Man series breaks new ground by presenting a kung fu hero who embodies the values of a companionate marriage. From Ip Man 1, the portrayal of Ip Man as a henpecked husband establishes this unique dynamic. For example, during his duel with his challenger, Kam Shan-chau, Ip only unleashes his full power when being prompted by Cheung Wing-sing 張永成. Later in Ip Man 3, Ip admits to his wife that he is “sometimes” afraid of her. Ip Man clarifies his perspective by stating that “[n]o men are afraid of their wives in this world. There are only men who respect their wives.” This respect can be interpreted as a manifestation of Ip Man’s deep affection for Cheung. What best illustrates Ip Man’s love for his wife is the wooden dummy which symbolizes his life-long career of Wing Chun martial arts carved with the characters, “wife, your honor” 老婆大人, serving as a constant reminder for himself of Cheung’s importance whenever he is practicing Wing Chun. The inclusion of this detail by the director signifies that Ip Man considers his career and his wife equally significant in his life. The film series culminates when Ip Man emphasizes to his challenger, “There’s nothing more important than having the love of your life by your side,” encapsulating and solidifying his unwavering love for his wife.

Just as how Ip Man impresses his challenger and the audience, the series portrays a genuine and mutually supportive companionate marriage. Despite that Cheung sometimes complains and occasionally becomes angry at Ip Man’s excessive involvement in kung fu, she stands as a lifelong supporter of his career and beliefs. Throughout the first three movies in the series when Cheung is alive, Ip Man becomes entangled in perilous duels, facing ruthless Japanese invaders and racist British boxers. But no matter how worried she gets about his safety, Cheung consistently encourages her husband to fight, even if it means that she has to give birth to their child in his absence in Ip Man 2. In Ip Man 3, when Ip Man prioritizes spending time with her over a duel due to her cancer diagnosis, it is Cheung who takes the initiative to arrange the duel for him, recognizing his deep passion for martial arts. Their relationship exemplifies profound understanding, unwavering support, and a genuine partnership based on love and shared values.

By depicting a companionate marriage between Ip Man and Cheung, the Ip Man series introduces a groundbreaking form of masculinity that had never before been seen in kung fu films or martial arts movies by and large. This new form of masculinity, known as caring masculinity, allows men to adopt “values of care, such as positive emotion, interdependence, and relationality, into masculine identities.” This new concept embraces “what is viewed as traditionally feminine characteristics (i.e., emotional expression, sensitivity, domestication, interdependence, caring, etc.) without departing from or rejecting masculinity.” This concept aligns well with traditional Daoist principles of femininity within masculinity and the societal ideal of companionate marriage, making it easily accepted and even celebrated by audiences from Mainland China, particularly female viewers. By this token, the Ip Man series not only reaffirms traditional masculinities through nationalism and Confucianism but also expands the definition of masculinity within the realm of kung fu movies, specifically hegemonic masculinity.

Central to the concept of caring masculinity is the concept of “care.” As defined by Joan C. Tronto, there are four phases of care: caring about, taking care of, care-giving, and care-receiving. While the love between Ip Man and Cheung in their companionate marriage demonstrates the couple as “caring about” each other, Ip Man has gradually been portrayed as a caring husband in all four phases. After Ip Man 1 solidly establishes the couple’s mutual respect and love, Ip Man 2 brings the audience further into the couple’s mundane daily life. When Cheung is pregnant, Ip Man willingly performs traditionally “feminine” household chores, such as carrying buckets of water for her. Furthermore, he tenderly massages her swollen feet, prioritizing her comfort and well-being. These actions epitomize the essence of care—Ip Man genuinely cares about her, takes care of her, gives her care and recognizes her feelings of receiving the care.

That being said, it is in Ip Man 3 that the true essence of caring masculinity is brought to the forefront as Ip Man takes on the role of caregiver for his ailing wife with cancer. Research shows that men provide care to their wives with cancers by “taking action,” including accompanying them to treatment sessions, making lifestyle changes, trying to be more attentive and emotionally available. Ip Man exemplifies these qualities as well. He stands by Cheung Wing-sing during doctor visits, accompanies her for additional Chinese medicine treatments, and participates in her favorite dances. Moving beyond his traditional masculine role, he even takes up cooking for her. Perhaps the most significant lifestyle change is his decision to set aside a martial arts challenge in his school to prioritize spending more time with his wife. Throughout the films, we can observe that martial arts are not just Ip Man’s lifelong career, but also an integral part of his identity. Nonetheless, he is willing to put a pause on his career just to take care of his sick wife. These traditionally “feminine” acts of care not only highlight the interdependence between husband and wife, but also showcase Ip Man’s willingness to embrace domesticity in a positive manner. This portrayal resonates eloquently with the audience (especially the female audience), cementing Ip Man as a man who surpasses his predecessors in kung fu movies.

Emotional care is equally important, especially for cancer patients, for which reason the movie portrays how Ip Man provides positive emotional support to his wife as well. In an effort to lift Cheung’s spirits, Ip Man learns her favorite dance and shares a joke about henpecked husbands with his ailing wife, playfully alluding to their own dynamic as a contented couple. However, the movie primarily focuses on the symbolic gesture of handholding, representing Ip Man’s unwavering emotional support during the difficult moments of Cheung’s final days. This is evident in the hospital scene where the doctor delivers the devastating news about Cheung’s cancer. Ip Man instinctively reaches out to hold his wife’s hand, offering subtle yet strong support. The director emphasizes this gesture by presenting a close-up shot of their intertwined hands, capturing the depth of their connection (left).

As the couple walks out of the doctor’s office with their backs facing the camera, the audience becomes aware of the conversation between Cheung and the doctor, revealing that she has only about six months to live. Although the medium shot focuses solely on their backs, excluding their facial expressions upon receiving this devastating news, the emphasis is placed on Ip Man’s firm grip on Cheung’s hand (right). Through the camera language and Ip Man’s body language, it becomes evident that his timely and unwavering handhold serves as a symbol of his timely and unwavering emotional support. These poignant moments are intentionally revisited later when Ip Man accompanies Cheung to consult other Chinese medical doctors, hinting at the discouraging nature of the second opinion as well.

It is true that the repeated images of handholding indicate Ip Man’s constant support in the process, but there is a crucial detail that further accentuates the effectiveness of Ip Man’s emotional support. In the initial scenes, Cheung’s hands appear weak and passive within Ip Man’s firm grasp, reflecting her struggle to process the overwhelming news. In the subsequent scenes, however, the handholding between the couple becomes a stronger grip, symbolizing Cheung’s newfound resilience in facing her illness and impending death. This subtle shift between the two identical scenes somehow suggests that Ip Man’s strong support has empowered Cheung, granting her the strength to confront her condition and its inevitable outcome.

Towards the end of Cheung’s life in Ip Man 3, the film includes a plot twist by having Ip Man openly express his emotions, a characteristic that aligns with the caring masculinity portrayed in the film. This is particularly noteworthy because in the first two movies, Ip Man was depicted as an icon of a traditional, emotionally stoic masculinity as with his predecessors in other kung fu films. Throughout all previous films, his facial expressions remained “plain” and unchanged, even in moments of intense anger or frustration towards racism during the Japanese invasion or the Hong Kong boxing competition. This deliberate choice by the director aimed to highlight Ip Man’s adherence to traditional masculine norms, in contrast to Donnie Yen’s previous roles as more hot-headed and emotionally expressive characters in contemporary films. Though in Ip Man 3 Ip Man’s facial expressions are still dull, and he provides his care mostly by actions during his wife’s battle with cancer, there are fleeting yet critical moments that demonstrate a departure from his stoic facade. One such moment occurs when Cheung requests to take a family photo by her hospital bed, which leads Ip Man to shed tears. He also verbally expresses his emotions to his wife as he remarks: “My only regret is having not been better to you.” Though these instances may seem mundane and short-lived, they mark a departure from the traditional hero archetype often found in Chinese-language kung fu movies, as Ip Man, a martial arts master, is willing to openly display and acknowledge his emotional vulnerability. The inclusion of these moments signifies a broader acceptance and celebration of the qualities associated with caring masculinities within society. Considering that kung fu movies are often seen as a prime platform for showcasing various forms of masculinity, the portrayal of Ip Man’s emotional moments represents a significant shift and highlights a growing recognition of the importance of emotional expression and vulnerability in defining masculinity in the twenty-first century Chinese society.

3 A “New” Father

As the Ip Man series progresses from the first to the third installment, it delves more profoundly into the exploration of masculinities defined by a man’s familial relationships, with special focus on Ip Man’s role as a caring husband to his wife. However, the series moves beyond the simple portrayal of his marital relationship and expands to an inspection of his relationship with his children. From the very first film, Ip Man is depicted as a typical family man, with the second movie proceeding to get on screen the birth of his second child. To fully demonstrate a “new man” in this film series, Ip Man’s relationship with his children cannot be neglected. As Hunter and his fellow scholars who share his ideas suggest, “[f]atherhood cannot be understood separate from masculinity: to study fathers is to study masculinity.” Kung fu films of the past rarely touched upon the aspect of fatherhood, but the Ip Man series, particularly Ip Man 4, introduces this new dimension into the narrative. By exploring Ip Man’s role as a father and his interactions with his children, the series contributes to a broader understanding of masculinities in the context of kung fu movies.

The concept of a man’s masculinity being defined by his role as a father is not unique and can be observed in both traditional Chinese and Western cultures. In traditional Chinese society, influenced by Confucian values that still hold significance today, a father’s role can be best described by the two words from the Three Character Classic, a Confucian classic that often served as children’s enlightening reading material (or ABC book) in late imperial China: namely, jiao (to educate/cultivate) and yang (to feed/raise). Likewise in the traditional Western context, a father’s masculinity is often associated with his role as the “breadwinner.” Furthermore, the traditional perception of a Chinese father aligns with characteristics of strictness, sternness, emotional detachment, and being an authoritative disciplinarian and moral exemplar. Similarly, Connell theorizes the Western traditional hegemonic male ideal as being strong, successful, capable, unemotional and in control. Additionally, other scholars have also noted that fathers associated with hegemonic masculinities can be seen as “overly authoritarian, disinterested, absent, and emotionally distant.” These similarities in understanding fatherhood and masculinity across cultures highlight the shared expectations and societal norms placed upon fathers to fulfill specific roles and embody particular traits.

In the Ip Man series, Ip Man’s portrayal initially aligns with the descriptions and theories of traditional fatherhood and masculinity. From the very outset, he assumes the role of the financial provider for his family, regardless of the circumstances. In Ip Man 1, he is depicted as a wealthy man who inherits a significant amount of money, ensuring a carefree life for his wife and son. However, when the Japanese invasion resulted in the consequent loss of their properties, Ip Man takes on the responsibility of supporting his entire family. He becomes a physical laborer in a Japanese coal mine, despite earning a meager income that barely covers their basic needs. After relocating to Hong Kong following his duel with the Japanese general, Ip Man establishes a martial arts school to teach Wing Chun in the city. In Ip Man 2, his wife urges him to collect tuition fees to meet the various daily expenses of the family. This portrayal adheres to the traditional Chinese setting where Ip Man acts as the primary breadwinner, while his wife, Cheung Wing-sing, manages the household. This dynamic remains consistent throughout the series, though Ip Man has to adapt to changes when Cheung falls ill and eventually passes away in Ip Man 3 and 4.

Moreover, the series is also consistent in depicting Ip Man as a traditional father who fits into the stereotype of hegemonic masculinity. In Ip Man 1, there is a noticeable absence of Ip Man’s involvement in childcare and child education. When his eldest son, Ip Chun, completes a painting with his mother and tries to show it to his father, Ip Man dismisses him, prioritizing his focus on teaching Wing Chun to others. This indicates a lack of emotional connection and paternal involvement. In Ip Man 3, when his younger son, Ip Ching, gets into a fight with a classmate named Cheung Fong, Ip Man arrives late to the school when summoned by the teacher. He immediately assumes that Ching is at fault and requires him to apologize to Fong. Although he appears strict, authoritarian, and emotionally detached, this incident provides an opportunity for Ip Man to fulfill his role of jiao, or educating his son. He positions himself as a moral role model by inviting Fong to their home for dinner, recognizing that Fong is hungry and his own father is unavailable. Through this act of generosity, Ip Man uses his actions to teach his son about forming friendships, repairing relationships, and embodying the qualities of a generous, benevolent, and helpful gentleman, which align with the ideal in Chinese Confucian tradition.

As a kung fu hero, Ip Man’s masculinity from a fatherhood perspective also comes from being a protector, another typical element in the hegemonic masculinity. In numerous American action films from the 1980s, the heroes are depicted as fighters and soldier-protectors, exemplified by characters like Stallone’s Rambo in First Blood (1982) and Schwarzenegger’s Terminator in The Terminator (1984). Their masculinity is rooted in their “powerfulness and firmness” which enable them to protect the weak and the innocent. This portrayal of hegemonic masculinity is also prevalent in Hong Kong kung fu movies, including those featuring Bruce Lee. The Ip Man series unsurprisingly inherits this hegemonic masculinity, but interestingly combines this quality with fatherhood, which is another significant dimension of masculinity. In Ip Man 3, a major plotline revolves around protecting Ip Ching’s school from being forcibly acquired by Frank, an American property developer and proficient boxer, who has deep connections with local thugs. During this process, Ip Man must engage in multiple fights with local thugs to protect the school property, staff, and children, particularly his own son, Ip Ching. With his exceptional martial arts skills and determination to protect, he wins victories in all the fights: Ip Man emerges victorious in each confrontation, successfully defending the school and his son. The film effectively conveys the message that Ip Man embodies the ideal image of a father who not only protects his own children but also safeguards the well-being of all children in the community.

In Ip Man 4, however, there is a significant focus shift in Ip Man’s portrayal as a father, following extensive depictions of his caring relationship with his wife in Ip Man 3. While initially embodying the traditional image of an authoritarian father, Ip Man undergoes a transformation into a “new” type of father. The film opens with Ip Ching getting into a fight with another student and subsequently being expelled from school. Following this incident, Ip Man and Ip Ching barely engage in any meaningful conversation about the event itself or discuss future plans. Without consulting his son, Ip Man decides to send Ip Ching to San Francisco for schooling. When Ching learns of this decision, he expresses his desire to pursue martial arts as a future career, but Ip Man dismisses his aspirations and even slaps him in the face. This interaction epitomizes the stereotypical conflict between a traditional Chinese authoritarian father and his son, characterized by a lack of communication and emotional connection. However, when visiting U.S. schools for his son, Ip Man’s perspective undergoes a profound change after witnessing the struggles that Ruonan has to face, a Chinese American girl who defies her father’s wishes by pursuing cheerleading instead of martial arts. Helping Ruonan out as a bystander, Ip Man becomes aware that he possesses the exact same traits of being uncommunicative and authoritarian as Ruonan’s father. That night, Ip Man opens up to his son in a phone call to Hong Kong, revealing his own battle with Cheung’s cancer, apologizing for his previous actions, including the slap, and promising to teach him martial arts. Ip Man now treats his son as an equal, respecting his choices and emotions. In this manner, Ip Man successfully transitions from being an authoritarian father to a “new” type of father—one who is understanding, communicative, and actively involved in his son’s life.

It is intriguing to observe a similar shift in Hollywood action films, particularly those featuring Arnold Schwarzenegger during the 1990s, which is parallel to the evolution witnessed in Ip Man series in the 2010s. Schwarzenegger’s screen persona changed from the macho and emotionless Terminator (1984) to the clever and emotionally expressive John in Kindergarten Cop (1990). His hero archetype now delved “inward, into increasingly emotive displays of masculine sensitivities, traumas, and burdens.” Looking back at the conjuncture of 1990s and the emergence of Schwarzenegger’s new masculinity, Prorokova suggests that the political climate of the time, including the aftermath of the Vietnam War and the end of the Cold War, necessitated this new sensitive family man as a new masculine ideal: “The American people wanted to return back to normal and peaceful life.” They no longer need the soldier-warriors like Rambo to fight for them, but instead call them back to their families. Prorokova continues to define the masculinity highlighted in Schwarzenegger’s 1990s films: “Vulnerability, devotion, and care were the aspects that characterized masculinity of that time.” In addition to political stability, the Responsible Fatherhood Movement, a social movement prevalent during the 1980s and 1990s in America, also played a significant role. This movement supported fathers in adopting more nurturing, caring, and emotionally involved roles as more mothers left home to join the workforce. Akthar and Hynes argue that this social movement influenced the portrayal of men’s roles within heterosexual households in media discourse, particularly on television during the 1980s and 1990s. As a corollary, the social movement should also be seen as interconnected with Schwarzenegger’s new screen persona.

In a similar vein, the changing perceptions and expectations of masculinities depicted in the Ip Man series can be linked to various political, economic, and social changes within Mainland Chinese society in the 2010s because it is apparently the largest target market of the series. After more than three decades of the “Open and Reform” policy, Mainland China was no longer viewed as an adversary by Western countries during this period. As a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) for over a decade, Mainland China’s GDP officially surpassed that of Japan, making it the world’s second-largest economy in 2010. Additionally, Mainland China successfully hosted the 2008 Olympics, utilizing the event to attract foreign investors and boast its soft power to the world. By the time President Xi Jinping introduced the concept of a “Chinese Dream” centered on national rejuvenation and prosperity in 2012, the Chinese population had never been more confident in the nation’s capabilities since the late nineteenth century. Chinese citizens believed that Mainland China had emerged as a new global superpower, surpassing neighboring and even European countries, and even approaching the United States. Meanwhile, the exercise of national power was by no means regarded as aggressive but rather friendly in terms of international relations, particularly under the influence of former President Hu Jintao’s slogan of a “harmonious society.” In a society marked by peace and prosperity just like the US in 1990s, it is unsurprising that China would also call their men back to families in its kung fu movies.

Meanwhile, the implementation of the One-Child Policy in Mainland China since the early 1980s has had a profound impact on the country’s family structure, particularly in urban areas. With families allowed to having one child only, expectations on girls have shifted significantly. They are now afforded similar opportunities for education and employment as boys. The liberation of women during the Mao era and the One-Child Policy during the Deng era had contributed to the emergence of a new family dynamic in Mainland China together, characterized by two working parents. Consequently, the altered family structure has inexorably resulted in a shift in gender roles within Mainland Chinese households. Historically, childcare has been predominantly seen as the responsibility of women. Into the twenty-first century, however, there is a growing expectation that both spouses share the burden of childcare and household chores in Mainland China. Scholars have observed a transition in Mainland Chinese society, particularly among younger generations, towards conjugal-based “emotionally egalitarian” marriages. In these marriages, spouses prioritize caring for each other’s emotional well-being and willingly share the daily responsibilities of running a household. There is a growing emphasis on nurturing involved parenting, with an emphasis on promoting children’s autonomy and self-esteem, regardless of gender. This cultural shift has inevitably resulted in a transformation of representations of masculinity in Mainland China. Men grow increasingly aware of their familial responsibilities that were traditionally considered feminine. The changing social norms have expanded the definition of masculinity to include active participation in family life and a willingness to take on nurturing roles within the household.

The significance of Ip Man’s transformation as a father in the series finale in 2019 and its success among Mainland Chinese audience are not coincidental, as it reflects the growing attention and debate surrounding fatherhood in Mainland Chinese society, especially in the arena of popular culture during the 2010s. Reality shows like Where Are We Going, Dad? (2013–2019) and Dad is Back (2014–2015) gained immense popularity and sparked extensive discussions on fatherhood through their portrayal of celebrity fathers taking care of their children in the absence of mothers in various scenarios. Studying Where Are We Going, Dad?, scholars suggest that contemporary Mainland Chinese audience celebrates a “new” fatherhood characterized by a warm, caring, nurturing and affectionate father, a father who is actively involved in everyday childcare and plays an integral role in his children’s development. These scholars also argue that while the show challenges traditional gender role dichotomies by expanding the definition of masculinities through the depiction of these “new” fathers, it also reinforces certain gendered expectations by treating fathers and mothers as well as sons and daughters differently. Sociologists have observed a similar trend among contemporary Mainland Chinese fathers, who have embraced global neoliberalism and strive to be caring, emotionally connected fathers actively involved in their children’s daily lives, particularly in education and athletic activities, alongside their role as breadwinners. It is noteworthy that these research projects are conducted with young fathers, the generation of “Single-Child Policy.” The popularity of shows like Where Are We Going, Dad?, particularly among this generation, undoubtedly indicates the changing expectations of fatherhood in twenty-first century Mainland China.

As the generation of “Single-Child Policy” became parents and entered the workforce in their late 20s and early 30s in 2010s, the emergence of “new” masculinities, which includes the concept of the “new” father, inevitably gave birth to a sort of hegemonic masculinity. On the one hand, this generation was born after the implementation of Mainland China’s “Open and Reform” policy and was exposed to American TV shows and movies, including those featuring Arnold Schwarzenegger. They were unquestionably influenced by global masculinities, particularly the ideals of the “new man” and the “new” father prevalent in American popular culture, and wholeheartedly embraced these concepts. On the one hand, as women entered the workforce and attained higher social and economic status, the concept of childcare moved beyond the traditional roles of education and provision (jiao and yang) typically associated with fathers. Instead, it expanded to encompass a modern “new” form of fatherhood that emphasizes understanding, communication, involvement, and engagement.

4 Conclusions

In this sense, the “new” masculinity featuring some traditional feminine characteristics has become the hegemonic masculinity in Chinese popular cultures during the 2010s. As we can observe, this emerging hegemonic masculinity is characterized by a combination of traditional Confucian and nationalist values with more nurturing, caring, and emotionally expressive qualities. The Ip Man series progressively relied on this “new” form of masculinity to shape Ip Man’s character across its four installments. The wider reception of the Ip Man series in Mainland China, particularly among female audiences, indicates not only the changing and expanding notions of hegemonic masculinity in response to significant social and economic transformations in twenty-first century Mainland China, but also the growing influence of women in defining masculinity in Mainland China. It represents a significant step towards gender equality, despite that there is still a long way to go in achieving true gender equality. The increased involvement of female audiences in the Ip Man series, as highlighted by media, indicates the significant consumer power of women on the film market. In consequence, the film industry incorporated the idealized image of men into kung fu films—a genre that historically targeted primarily male audiences—as embodiment of this evolving masculinity.

When examining the evolving hegemonic masculinity portrayed in the Ip Man series, it is important to recognize the long-standing presence of women’s interest in men with feminine characteristics within Mainland Chinese popular culture. This phenomenon, which emerged in the 2010s, was influenced by the Japanese bishōnen culture and the Korean kkonminam culture, leading to the development of Mainland China’s own xiao xianrou (little fresh meat) culture. Notably, scholars studying East Asian popular cultures have attributed this trend to women’s increased economic empowerment. The preference for a softer masculinity among women resonates with traditional Chinese ideals such as the Confucian notion of wen (civil) masculinity and the Daoist concept of androgyny. Moreover, it also aligns with the global neoliberal understanding of masculinity. While this trend initially emerged as a physical preference in the 1990s, it evolved into a more distinct behavioral preference in the 2010s. Consequently, it manifested across various genres of popular culture, including kung fu films which epitomize masculinity. In this context, the expansion of this hegemonic masculinity can be seen as an indication of women’s ongoing struggle for gender equality. Women’s agency in shaping cultural preferences and desires reflects the changing dynamics and aspirations of Mainland Chinese society: it underscores their successful efforts to challenge traditional gender norms and influence the representation of masculinity in popular culture.


Corresponding author: Wenjia Liu, Associate Professor of Chinese, Hendrix College, 1600 Washington Ave, Conway, AR 72032, USA, E-mail:

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