Seeking visibility at last? Europarties’ digital advertising for the 2019 and 2024 European Parliamentary elections

Europarties as campaign organizations: A contradiction of terms?

Campaigning is seen as a core feature of the political process in contemporary democracies. At the same time, (i) campaign activities take different forms in different contexts, and (ii) the extent to which partisan organizations engage in campaign activities largely depends on what they conceive as their primary goal (Strömbäck and Kiousis, 2014). Both specifications are crucial as we turn to the EU context and to Europarties. Discussed as sui generis because of its unique institutional architecture (Hix and Lord, 1997), the European Union differs from national polities in terms of the system of political representation and the role and basic functions that political parties perform. This is true to the extent that scholars even questioned whether we should consider Europarties as “real” parties (Bardi, 1994). Not only are they minimally embedded in society (Van Hecke, 2010), much like national-level parties nowadays, they also fall short of meeting the minimal consensual definition of a political party – running in elections for power. Indeed, despite their growing institutionalization and increased legal recognition, Europarties lack some key fundamental “party-like features” (Day, 2014). Most importantly for the purpose of this article, they play a marginal role in the electoral context: They do not put out candidates for public office, and it is national parties who are in the lead when it comes to planning, organizing, and conducting European parliament campaigns (Reif and Schmitt, 1980). Given the limited importance of the electoral dimension for these organizations, campaign activities by Europarties have thus far remained a marginal phenomenon. However, more recently a number of scholars have pointed to increased campaigning efforts by Europarties, especially in the three latest election cycles (Dinan, 2015; Gagatek, 2010; Hertner, 2011; Put et al., 2016), ascribing this development to the institutional changes that have been of primary significance for them. For the first time they gained legal recognition and a specific role in the European Union’s political system with the Maastricht Treaty in 1992; they began receiving financial support from the EU budget in 2003, thus becoming more autonomous from the EP groups and national parties; and, since 2014, they have been allowed to nominate their candidate for the presidency of the European Commission (see Figure 1).

Even though these are important changes for the Europarties, their significance should not be overestimated. That of the Europarties will continue to be “a story of evolution rather than revolution” (Day, 2014, p. 21) until – if ever – treaty changes are introduced that could grant them centrality in the electoral process. Until then, as Gagatek (2010) argued, “the inherent inapplicability of their election manifestos, a lack of name recognition among voters, […] and the lack of a classical government and opposition dynamic at the EU level” will prevent Europarties to conduct “an even moderately unified pan-European campaign” (p. 204). The main research question that we address in this article is whether, given these constraints, the rise of social media has led to a boost in the Europarties’ campaign activities and, more in particular, whether social media have allowed Europarties to transcend national borders and reach out to the citizens of the Union, as laid down in the Treaty of Lisbon.

Figure 1:

The Europarties’ changing legal environment.

Source: Author’s elaboration based on Wolfs (2022) and Johansson and Raunio (2024).

Surfing the European public sphere: New avenues for Europarties?

While institutional reforms have expanded Europarties’ prerogatives, the evolving communication landscape has simultaneously created stronger incentives for them to enhance their visibility and legitimacy. Media systems in the “fourth age of political communication” (Blumler, 2016) are marked by the interplay of newly influential communication actors, thus reshaping the paths through which political actors interact with their publics (Maarek and Wolfsfeld, 2005). A new logic of hybrid media environment (Chadwick, 2017) has dismantled the gatekeeping monopoly once held by legacy outlets (Mancini, 2020) leading to shifts in publics’ behaviors. Networked publics (Bennett and Iyengar, 2008) converge in diverse digital platforms (Nieborg and Poell, 2018), expanding the potential audience for political discourse by connecting different communities and interest groups while bridging multiple interests. The implications of these developments are twofold: On the one hand, political messages circulate more widely and rapidly; on the other, communicative power is redistributed among established media institutions, political organizations, and newly influential actors (Klinger et al., 2023). Political parties in particular are increasingly leveraging digital tools and social media to enhance their visibility, mobilize supporters, engage directly with their constituencies, and coordinate both online and offline activities – thus circumventing the traditional media gatekeepers and establishing more direct, unmediated channels of communication (Dommett et al., 2024a; Gibson and Ward, 2009; Römmele, 2003). The opportunities offered by digital advertising are especially significant from this perspective since they not only redefine the political-marketing landscape but also, compared with more traditional tools, serve as strategies that enable the targeting of specific audience (and electorate) niches more effectively – allowing content to be precisely tailored to their interests and thereby maximizing its potential impact (Fowler et al., 2021; Holtz-Bacha, 2005; Kruschinski et al., 2022; Maarek, 2011; Strömbäck, 2007).

This hybrid and fluid communication environment has the potential to overcome the obstacles that have traditionally been considered as barriers to the emergence of a truly European public sphere, such as language, dominance of national media outlets, and cultural diversity (see Trenz, 2008; Kunelius and Sparks, 2014). Conceptualized as a transnational space for public debate, it facilitates the convergence of citizens, civil society, political actors, and pan-European media, enabling them to address collective interests (Dahlgren, 2005; Eriksen, 2007; Koopmans and Erbe, 2004; Risse, 2014). New digital technologies, therefore, have reignited discussions about potential venues for European-wide communication and engagement (Gil de Zúñiga, 2015; Hänska and Bauchowitz, 2019). Social media platforms in particular seem to offer novel pathways for transnational interaction and mobilization, allowing users in different member states to access, and contribute to, debates on EU-related issues. Comparative studies of Twitter usage during election campaigns highlight the rapid flow of information across national borders, with an increasing degree of citizen-to-citizen communication and direct exchanges between politicians and publics from multiple countries (Larsson, 2015; Stier et al., 2021). These developments are framed in terms of a “transnational” online space that could either supplement or supersede the classical conception of a European public sphere (Koopmans and Pfetsch, 2003; Trenz, 2005; Wessler et al., 2008).

Against this shifting backdrop, Europarties offer a particularly relevant case study. As transnational political actors, they can use online advertising proactively, offering cost-efficient targeting options that can be tailored to local contexts (Dommett et al., 2024b; Kefford et al., 2023; Kruschinski and Bene, 2022; Kruschinski et al., 2022; Van den Eynde et al., 2020). This flexibility is especially beneficial for transnational actors like Europarties that seek to engage diverse national electorates without relying on extensive on-the-ground infrastructure. Beyond cost considerations, such an approach may also help cultivate a European-level identity: By transcending national media silos, Europarties can craft messages that emphasize shared interests or cross-border solidarity (Polonska-Kimunguyi and Kimunguyi, 2011).

In line with scholarly debates about the “Europeanization” of election campaigns (Adam and Maier, 2011; Adam et al., 2013; Dutceac Segesten and Bossetta, 2019), this paper is interested in investigating whether Europarties are using social media platforms for genuinely transnational campaigning, as we expect that the availability of targeting tools that facilitate strategic communication across national borders has significantly boosted the campaigning efforts of Europarties. In the following sections, we outline our methodological approach and present data on the social media advertising practices employed by Europarties in the most recent EP election cycles.

Volume, spending, and impressions

Table 1 reports the volume of social media advertising and spending by Europarties for the 2019 and 2024 EP election campaigns. It shows an increasing reliance on such kinds of marketing tools, whereas paid content on Facebook platforms increased from 1,484 in 2019 to 1,811 in 2024. However, it also shows a reduction of spending by Europarties, from €547,908 in 2019 to €463,395 in 2024, with a smaller average expenditure per single ad, from €387 during the 2019 EP election campaign to €256 for the 2024 EP elections.

Looking at the individual Europarties, we found substantial differences in their digital advertising strategies between the 2019 and 2024 EP elections. Several parties reduced their overall reliance on social media ads, while others notably adapted their approach in terms of both volume and spending. For example, the EPP dramatically cut its ad volume from 902 ads (60.8 % of the total) in 2019 to just 20 ads (1.1 %) in 2024, yet its average expenditure per ad soared from €122 to €1,349. A similar pattern is observed for the PES, with a drop from 188 ads (12.7 %) to 17 ads (0.9 %), while its average spending per ad increased from €72 to €1,129. In contrast, parties like the European Free Alliance (EFA) and the European Christian Political Movement (ECPM) maintained a more cautious approach toward social media advertising. EFA significantly scaled back its advertising efforts, reducing its ad count from 41 (2.7 % of the total ads) to just 4 (0.2 %), while also lowering its average ad spending from €606 to €49. Similarly, ECPM decreased its ad volume slightly, from 39 (2.6 %) to 32 ads (1.8 %), with its average cost per ad falling from €188 to €49. Notably, the European Greens (EGP) stood out by intensifying their online outreach, as they increased the number of ads from 249 (16.8 %) in 2019 to 922 (50.9 %) in 2024. This is in line with the “Campaign Plan” that the Greens introduced for the 2019 elections, where the party explicitly stated that it would “focus heavily on online outreach” and “… not invest in traditional advertising (large-scale posters, aired advertisements); [nor] in the large-scale production of paraphernalia (from gadgets to t-shirts)”^[7].

Turning to Table 2, which details the audience reach of these ads^[8], we observe that the total number of impressions^[9] nearly doubled from 2019 to 2024. The data from both 2019 and 2024 campaigns once again point to the European Greens’ efficacy in social media advertising. As the consequence of the budget allocation and the volume of sponsored content, the party confirms its extraordinary ability to garner views, with over 268,300,000 impressions for the 2024 EP elections. While figures for the European Greens increased, for other parties, which reduced their budget and the volume of contents to be advertised, the number of impressions decreased instead. This was the case for the European People’s Party, the European Free Alliance, European Conservatives and Reformists Party, and European Christian Political Movement. Parties that increased their financial investment in sponsored content on social media in 2024 saw a growth in impressions. This is exemplified by the Party of European Socialists, which, despite sponsoring fewer ads, managed to reach a wider audience due to a higher budget spending. Similarly, ALDE allocated a larger portion of its budget to sponsor a greater number of ads, and this strategic combination enabled them to reach a broader audience compared to 2019.

Transnational campaigning

We will now turn to the question of the Europarties’ targeting strategies in terms of country reach. As presented in the methodological section, we distinguished between content directed at a single country and content directed at more than one country. Before doing so, we present an overall picture, which captures the total number of paid contents deployed by Europarties reaching all EU countries during the 2019 and 2024 EP election campaigns. As shown in Figure 2, in 2019, Belgium recorded the highest circulation of sponsored content (424). Apart from Belgium, other countries – namely Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, and Spain – reported figures above 150. In contrast, the 2024 campaign reveals a more diversified and less concentrated distribution of paid media content across EU countries. Although Belgium again leads with 1,046 sponsored items, Germany comes remarkably close with 1,014. Spain (882), Italy (718), and the Netherlands (680) exhibit significantly increased levels of paid media content compared to 2019. To elucidate these shifts, it is essential to consider the relevant regulatory framework. The exceptionally high figure observed for Belgium in 2019 largely resulted from Facebook’s policy at the time. Notably, for the 2019 EP elections, Facebook did not allow for cross-national campaigning on its platforms, as it only allowed political advertisements to be launched in the member state in which political actors had their registered headquarters. Consequently, Europarties – headquartered in Brussels – were effectively restricted to targeting Belgian audiences, yielding considerably lower figures in other countries^[10]. However, by 2024 a new regulation was introduced which specifically refers to the Europarties’ right to sponsor political advertisements throughout the Union^[11].

Figure 3 provides a more detailed picture on the evolution of Europarties’ territorial targeting, distinguishing between ads specifically designed for targeting a single country and ads conceived to target more than one country simultaneously^[12].

In 2019, the data indicate that a substantial portion of targeted political ads were crafted for single-country audiences. Disregarding Belgium – where regulatory constraints affected the targeting strategy – it is evident that in most cases roughly one-third of the paid media content circulating in countries such as Romania, the Netherlands, Lithuania, Italy, Greece, Finland, and Denmark was specifically designed for national audiences. In Spain, Poland, Ireland, and Estonia, the proportion of country-tailored ads was even higher, reaching around 40 %. In contrast, by 2024 the pattern shifted noticeably. The portion of ads designed to target multiple countries simultaneously increased, suggesting a strategic pivot toward a broader transnational narrative. An exception to this trend can be observed in Hungary, where Europarties’ digital advertising continued to privilege specific national targeting. Moreover, in a few cases – particularly in Italy, the Netherlands, and Austria – the share of single-country ads remained, albeit at a reduced quota, nearly one-fifth of the total advertising circulating in these markets. In all other instances, single-country advertising became marginal or virtually absent. Overall, the 2024 EP election campaign marked a clear transformation in Europarties’ digital advertising strategies. The increased reliance on advertisement items with uniform content, disseminated simultaneously across multiple countries, signals a deliberate shift toward a campaign approach anchored in transnational logics.

Table 3, which compiles data on the volume and budget allocation for Europarties’ digital advertising – differentiated by single-country versus multi-country targeting – provides a detailed analysis of the shift towards transnational campaigning, highlighting distinct strategic variations among political actors. In general, not only did the percentage of ads targeted at multiple countries rise from approximately 17 % to 50 %, but also in terms of total economic investment we found an overall increase in the budget for multi-country targeting in 2024, from €176,679 to €296,517. In terms of both volumes and spending, figures for 2019 show that European parties mostly targeted single-country audiences, concentrating on a few strategically crucial regions. By crafting sponsored messages tailored to the distinct attributes of national audiences across EU countries, efforts were made to capitalize on the digital capabilities of reaching specific segments of electorates aligning with distinct country-related issues. However, as we look at the individual Europarties, differences across parties emerge. In 2019, the European People’s Party, the Greens, and the Party of European Socialists spent the most on multi-country targeting in terms of budget (the EPP investing almost one third and the EGP and PES half of the total budget on ads). In 2024, instead, we find a large percentage of ads directed towards multiple countries for the EPP (70 %), the EGP (61 %), and the European Democrats (57 %), which corresponds to a significant economic investment, as opposed to the others. The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe published a much higher number of ads directed towards single countries, but when it comes to the party’s economic investment, figures show an equal share of funds disbursed for individual and multiple country targeting. Figures for the Party of European Socialists are puzzling: Like the EPP, the number of ads published during the 2024 campaign significantly reduced. Moreover, we found those ads were all directed at single countries. Similar results were found for the European Christian Political Movement, the European Conservatives and Reformists Party, and the European Free Alliance, which allocated their total expenditure on political advertising on the Meta platform for advertising instruments, targeting single countries.

Figure 2:

Total number of social media ads per country during the 2019 and 2024 EP election campaigns.

Figure 3:

Social media advertising country targeting during the 2019 and 2024 EP election campaigns.