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Tacitus, Agricola, Domitian, and the problem of the principate

Tacitus, Agricola, Domitian, and the problem of the principate. At the end of that long section of the twelfth book of his Histories in which he inveighs against the faults and deficiencies of Timaeus' method of writing history1 Polybius comes to the conclusion that things will never go well with the writing of history unless and until either those men who are or have been engaged in political affairs will make it their business to write history not as a parergon or as personal memoirs but ex professo and to the fullest extent, or those who set out to write history will first seek to acquire that εξις which can only come from a knowledge of public affairs. Since Polybius wrote these words it has become amply clear that we should have but little history of the kind that Polybius demands if the job of writing it had been left exclusively to active or retired statesmen. But since by necessity scholars have had to take up the job if it was to be done at all, the demand which Polybius makes on those "who set out to write history" would still appear to be justified. At least, in making historical investigations, scholars should try to avoid using a logic that is completely dissociated from the realities of human life, whether public or otherwise. Or more concretely: if someone, whether or not he was ever personally engaged in public affairs, has been lucky enough never to have come in contact with an absolutistic regime and nevertheless wishes to write about certain problems of the Roman Empire, he might do well first to read some books such as, for instance, the Mémoires du duc de Saint-Simon, in order to acquire a feeling for the atmosphere of such a regime and the personal problems arising in it—though in fact the problems of the Roman Princi-pate are somewhat more complicated still, since under Louis XIV it was clear that his subjects were his subjects, while during the early phases of the Empire it was not clear whether the Roman citizens were the subjects of the Emperor or his fellow citizens. I do not like to engage in personal polemics. If therefore in what follows I shall use as an example of what appears to me a defective method of historical reasoning a little article or note that has recently been published ι Pol. 12. 28.1—5.

Tacitus, Agricola, Domitian, and the problem of the principate. At the end of that long section of the twelfth book of his Histories in which he inveighs against the faults and deficiencies of Timaeus' method of writing history1 Polybius comes to the conclusion that things will never go well with the writing of history unless and until either those men who are or have been engaged in political affairs will make it their business to write history not as a parergon or as personal memoirs but ex professo and to the fullest extent, or those who set out to write history will first seek to acquire that εξις which can only come from a knowledge of public affairs. Since Polybius wrote these words it has become amply clear that we should have but little history of the kind that Polybius demands if the job of writing it had been left exclusively to active or retired statesmen. But since by necessity scholars have had to take up the job if it was to be done at all, the demand which Polybius makes on those "who set out to write history" would still appear to be justified. At least, in making historical investigations, scholars should try to avoid using a logic that is completely dissociated from the realities of human life, whether public or otherwise. Or more concretely: if someone, whether or not he was ever personally engaged in public affairs, has been lucky enough never to have come in contact with an absolutistic regime and nevertheless wishes to write about certain problems of the Roman Empire, he might do well first to read some books such as, for instance, the Mémoires du duc de Saint-Simon, in order to acquire a feeling for the atmosphere of such a regime and the personal problems arising in it—though in fact the problems of the Roman Princi-pate are somewhat more complicated still, since under Louis XIV it was clear that his subjects were his subjects, while during the early phases of the Empire it was not clear whether the Roman citizens were the subjects of the Emperor or his fellow citizens. I do not like to engage in personal polemics. If therefore in what follows I shall use as an example of what appears to me a defective method of historical reasoning a little article or note that has recently been published ι Pol. 12. 28.1—5.

Chapters in this book

  1. Frontmatter I
  2. Vorwort V
  3. Inhaltsverzeichnis IX
  4. Ziele, Aufgaben und Methoden der klassischen Philologie und Altertumswissenschaft 1
  5. Pandora, Prometheus und der Mythos von den Weltaltern 24
  6. Rezension von Entretiens I: Der Begriff des Göttlichen von Homer bis Piaton 60
  7. The Composition of Aristotle’s Constitution of Athens and the so-called Dracontian Constitution 71
  8. Rezension von JAMES DAY and MORTIMER CHAMBERS: Aristotle’s History of Athenian Democracy 99
  9. The Meaning of ἙΚΤΗΜΟΡΟΣ 110
  10. Once more the ἙΚΤΗΜΟΡΟΙ 117
  11. Rezension von HERMANN STRASBURGER: Die Wesensbestimmung der Geschichte durch die antike Geschichtsschreibung 135
  12. Rezension von T. A. SINCLAIR: A history of Greekpolitical thought, London 1952 und RUDOLF STANKA: Die politische Philosophie des Altertums 146
  13. Rezension von ARNOLD A. T . EHRHARDT: Politische Metaphysik von Solon bis Augustin, Band 1 und 2 155
  14. Rezension von MASON HAMMOND: City-State and World State in Greek and Roman Political Theory until Augustus 162
  15. ΟΠΕΡ ΣΑΦΕΣΤΑΤΗ ΙΠΣΤΙΣ 169
  16. Rezension von H. MICHELL: SPARTA 177
  17. Rezension von JEAN HUMBERT: Polycratès, l’accusation de Socrate et le Gorgias 185
  18. Die politische Tendenz in Theopomps Geschichtsschreibung 193
  19. Rezension von W. ROBERT CONNOR: Theopompus and Fifth-Century Athens 220
  20. Conservative Reaction and One Man Rule in Ancient Greece 229
  21. Die Bedeutung des Aristoteles für die Geschichtsschreibung 256
  22. Rezension von GÜNTHER BIEN: Die Grundlegung der politischen Philosophie bei Aristoteles 302
  23. Rezension von S. M. STERN: Aristotle and the World State. London/Colchester, 1968. und von Lettre d’Aristote à Alexandre sur la politique envers les cités. Texte arabe établi et traduit par JÓZEF BIELAWSKI. Comm. de MARIAN PLEZIA 318
  24. The Reorganisation of the Roman Government in 366 B.C. and the so-called Licinio-Sextian Laws 329
  25. Leges sacratae and plebei scita 374
  26. Emergency Powers in the Last Centuries of the Roman Republic 388
  27. Sallust und das Verhalten der römischen Nobilität zur Zeit der Kriege gegen Jugurtha (112–105 v. Chr. ) 407
  28. The Mission of L. Caesar and L. Roscius in January 49 B. C. 449
  29. Pompey’s Policy before and after the Outbreak of the Civil War of 49 B. C. 479
  30. Aufbau und Absicht des Dialogus de Oratoribus 513
  31. Tacitus, Agricola, Domitian, and the problem of the principate 535
  32. Totalitarismus und Demokratie im Alten Griechenland und Rom 567
  33. I. Stellenregister 605
  34. II. Antike und moderne Personen 612
  35. III. Griechische Termini und Formeln 616
  36. IV. Begriffe und Sachen 618
  37. V. Moderne Historiker und Philologen 621
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