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A prosodic constraint on prenominal modification

  • Hisao Tokizaki and Jiro Inaba
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Prosody in Syntactic Encoding
This chapter is in the book Prosody in Syntactic Encoding

Abstract

In this paper, we argue that the word order patterns of the prenominal modification structures across languages are regulated by the universal prosodic constraint we propose; No Prosodic Boundary (NPB) bans the structure in which a modifier and the modified head is separated by a prosodic boundary (i.e. * ... M... / ... H ...). Together with the baremapping algorithmproposed in Tokizaki (1999, 2008a), according towhich syntactic brackets (both right and left) are interpreted as prosodic boundaries (/), our proposal accounts for the contrast between *a [sleeping [on the sofa]] baby vs. ein [[inMunchen] wohnhafter] Kunstler, without recourse to such syntactic constraints as head final filter or head adjacency condition. Our analysis can also be extended to prenominal modification structures in Russian and phrasal compounds in languages such as English or German. If our analysis is on the right track, it enables us to account for phenomena pertaining to word order by way of constraints operating outside the narrow syntactic component, thus contributing to one of theminimalist theses that syntax is universal, only hierarchically organized without linear information.

Abstract

In this paper, we argue that the word order patterns of the prenominal modification structures across languages are regulated by the universal prosodic constraint we propose; No Prosodic Boundary (NPB) bans the structure in which a modifier and the modified head is separated by a prosodic boundary (i.e. * ... M... / ... H ...). Together with the baremapping algorithmproposed in Tokizaki (1999, 2008a), according towhich syntactic brackets (both right and left) are interpreted as prosodic boundaries (/), our proposal accounts for the contrast between *a [sleeping [on the sofa]] baby vs. ein [[inMunchen] wohnhafter] Kunstler, without recourse to such syntactic constraints as head final filter or head adjacency condition. Our analysis can also be extended to prenominal modification structures in Russian and phrasal compounds in languages such as English or German. If our analysis is on the right track, it enables us to account for phenomena pertaining to word order by way of constraints operating outside the narrow syntactic component, thus contributing to one of theminimalist theses that syntax is universal, only hierarchically organized without linear information.

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