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5. Kenyang relative clauses

  • Florence A. E. Tabe and Gratien G. Atindogbé
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Abstract

In Kenyang (a Niger-Congo language spoken in Cameroon), relative clauses can be realized structurally or phonologically. Structurally, the unmarked relative clause position is DP REL. The reversed order REL DP is derived by focalization. The relative morphemes nɛ̀ and bɛ́ modify DPs. The former is used to relativize DPs in finite clauses while the latter relativizes DPs in infinitival clauses. In finite clauses, the relative morpheme has the structure V-CV or V-CV-CV depending on whether the relativized DP is singular or plural. V is the augment which co- varies with the phi-features of DPs. Agreement between the DP and the relativizer is local in a strictly left - right configuration. In the absence of these morphemes, relativization is marked through aspect and this involves modifying the aspectual tones on the subject markers. This paper identifies and describes the different relativization strategies in Kenyang as well as the relativized positions and their local dependencies.

Abstract

In Kenyang (a Niger-Congo language spoken in Cameroon), relative clauses can be realized structurally or phonologically. Structurally, the unmarked relative clause position is DP REL. The reversed order REL DP is derived by focalization. The relative morphemes nɛ̀ and bɛ́ modify DPs. The former is used to relativize DPs in finite clauses while the latter relativizes DPs in infinitival clauses. In finite clauses, the relative morpheme has the structure V-CV or V-CV-CV depending on whether the relativized DP is singular or plural. V is the augment which co- varies with the phi-features of DPs. Agreement between the DP and the relativizer is local in a strictly left - right configuration. In the absence of these morphemes, relativization is marked through aspect and this involves modifying the aspectual tones on the subject markers. This paper identifies and describes the different relativization strategies in Kenyang as well as the relativized positions and their local dependencies.

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