From absolutely optional to only nominally ergative: the life cycle of the Gurindji ergative suffix

Chapters in this book

1. Frontmatter i
2. Contents v
3. Borrowed morphology: an overview 1
4. Part I. Theory
5. When is the diffusion of inflectional morphology not dispreferred? 27
6. Why is the borrowing of inflectional morphology dispreferred? 47
7. Part II. Borrowing of derivation
8. Borrowing of verbal derivational morphology between Semitic languages: the case of Arabic verb derivations in Neo-Aramaic 83
9. Borrowing verbs from Oghuz Turkic: two linguistic areas 109
10. Common denominal verbalizers in the Transeurasian languages: borrowed or inherited? 137
11. Part III. Borrowing of inflection
12. A comparison of copied morphemes in Sakha (Yakut) and Ėven 157
13. From absolutely optional to only nominally ergative: the life cycle of the Gurindji ergative suffix 189
14. Contact intensity and the borrowing of bound morphology in Korlai Indo-Portuguese 219
15. Innovative complexity in the pronominal paradigm of Mojeño: a result of contact? 241
16. Adjective-noun agreement in language contact: loss, realignment and innovation 269
17. Index of subjects 303
18. Index of languages 307