Chapter 4. Computational and semantic aspects of resumption
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Alain Rouveret
Abstract
Taking the properties of Welsh relativization as a point of departure, this paper argues that the linking of resumptive pronouns to the periphery is a strictly narrow-syntactic process, triggered by the uninterpretable features of resumptive pronouns and c-commanding complementizers and reducing to non-local Agree. Resumptive dependencies also give rise to reconstruction effects, which can also be detected in structures that have a different derivational history – the intrusive dependencies involving a strong island. It appears that, in both types, the internal structure of the pronouns involved is exclusively responsible for the various reconstruction options. In other words, the specific way pronouns are linked to the periphery (via a probe-goal relation or via binding at the interface) plays no role in their reconstruction properties, the fact that they have an internal structure plays no role in their distribution. This state of affairs has interesting implications concerning the “semantic blindness” of syntactic operations (Uriagereka 2002).
Abstract
Taking the properties of Welsh relativization as a point of departure, this paper argues that the linking of resumptive pronouns to the periphery is a strictly narrow-syntactic process, triggered by the uninterpretable features of resumptive pronouns and c-commanding complementizers and reducing to non-local Agree. Resumptive dependencies also give rise to reconstruction effects, which can also be detected in structures that have a different derivational history – the intrusive dependencies involving a strong island. It appears that, in both types, the internal structure of the pronouns involved is exclusively responsible for the various reconstruction options. In other words, the specific way pronouns are linked to the periphery (via a probe-goal relation or via binding at the interface) plays no role in their reconstruction properties, the fact that they have an internal structure plays no role in their distribution. This state of affairs has interesting implications concerning the “semantic blindness” of syntactic operations (Uriagereka 2002).
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. Introduction 1
- Chapter 2. Unifying UG and language variation 9
- Chapter 3. Elements of syntax 25
- Chapter 4. Computational and semantic aspects of resumption 49
- Chapter 5. Causality, comitativity, contrastivity, and selfhood 101
- Chapter 6. System repairing strategy at interface 133
- Chapter 7. The V-copy construction in Mandarin 167
- Chapter 8. The syntax of either and disjunction 207
- Chapter 9. Focus, negation and event quantification in Chinese 245
- Chapter 10. Null object constructions, VP-ellipsis, and sentence interpretation 283
- Chapter 11. The acquisition of nominal structure, word order and referentiality in Chinese 301
- Chapter 12. Syntax/semantics interface and interpretation of Chinese NP 1 NP 2 V construction by Japanese speakers 341
- Index of languages 363
- Index of subjects 365
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. Introduction 1
- Chapter 2. Unifying UG and language variation 9
- Chapter 3. Elements of syntax 25
- Chapter 4. Computational and semantic aspects of resumption 49
- Chapter 5. Causality, comitativity, contrastivity, and selfhood 101
- Chapter 6. System repairing strategy at interface 133
- Chapter 7. The V-copy construction in Mandarin 167
- Chapter 8. The syntax of either and disjunction 207
- Chapter 9. Focus, negation and event quantification in Chinese 245
- Chapter 10. Null object constructions, VP-ellipsis, and sentence interpretation 283
- Chapter 11. The acquisition of nominal structure, word order and referentiality in Chinese 301
- Chapter 12. Syntax/semantics interface and interpretation of Chinese NP 1 NP 2 V construction by Japanese speakers 341
- Index of languages 363
- Index of subjects 365
