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Chapter 1. Old Irish consonant quality re-examined

  • Hans Henrich Hock
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Historical Linguistics 2015
This chapter is in the book Historical Linguistics 2015

Abstract

According to Pedersen (1913) and Thurneysen (1946) Old Irish had three different consonant qualities: i-colored/palatalized (before original front vowel), u-colored/labiovelarized (before original u-vowel), and neutral (elsewhere). The first two are normally indicated by preconsonantal i and u respectively, functioning as diacritics.

Greene (1962, 1973, 1976) rejects this view, claiming that systems with three different consonant qualities are rare; “u-color” has little functional load; later Irish only distinguishes i- and neutral quality; and u constitutes the second element of a true diphthong.

None of these arguments and claims are cogent. Rarity does not equal impossibility; functional load is an unreliable criterion; many languages have all three “colors”; orthography and the parallel evidence of Avestan argue for treating u as marker of labiovelarization; Greene’s “diphthongal” account is historically problematic; and finally, certain phonological and analogical changes can only be explained by accepting an account that interprets u as marker of labiovelarization.

Abstract

According to Pedersen (1913) and Thurneysen (1946) Old Irish had three different consonant qualities: i-colored/palatalized (before original front vowel), u-colored/labiovelarized (before original u-vowel), and neutral (elsewhere). The first two are normally indicated by preconsonantal i and u respectively, functioning as diacritics.

Greene (1962, 1973, 1976) rejects this view, claiming that systems with three different consonant qualities are rare; “u-color” has little functional load; later Irish only distinguishes i- and neutral quality; and u constitutes the second element of a true diphthong.

None of these arguments and claims are cogent. Rarity does not equal impossibility; functional load is an unreliable criterion; many languages have all three “colors”; orthography and the parallel evidence of Avestan argue for treating u as marker of labiovelarization; Greene’s “diphthongal” account is historically problematic; and finally, certain phonological and analogical changes can only be explained by accepting an account that interprets u as marker of labiovelarization.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction 1
  4. Part I. Phonology
  5. Chapter 1. Old Irish consonant quality re-examined 11
  6. Chapter 2. The use of the past to explain the past 27
  7. Chapter 3. Pertinacity in loanwords 57
  8. Part II. Morphology
  9. Chapter 4. Ablaut in Armenian nasal declension 77
  10. Chapter 5. Gender and declension mismatches in West Nordic 97
  11. Chapter 6. The development of gender and countability effects in German ung - and English ing -nominals 115
  12. Chapter 7. Where do Italian - ata nouns come from? 133
  13. Chapter 8. Diachrony and morphological equilibrium 149
  14. Chapter 9. Anti-relevant, contra-iconic but system-adequate 171
  15. Part III. Morphosyntax
  16. Chapter 10. Impersonal passives and the suffix - r in the Indo-European languages 187
  17. Chapter 11. The Old English verbal prefixes for- and ge- 217
  18. Part IV. Syntax
  19. Chapter 12. Enclitic -( m ) a ‘but’ / -( y ) a ‘and’ in Hittite 245
  20. Chapter 13. State representation and dynamic processes in Homeric Greek 271
  21. Chapter 14. Effecting a change 287
  22. Chapter 15. Early Indo-European dialects and innovations of aspect systems 301
  23. Chapter 16. Perfecting the notion of Sprachbund 319
  24. Chapter 17. Parameters in the development of Romance perfective auxiliary selection 343
  25. Chapter 18. Adverbs and the left periphery of non-finite clauses in Old Spanish 385
  26. Part V. Diachronic typology
  27. Chapter 19. The sources of antipassive constructions 405
  28. Chapter 20. A diachronic account of converbal constructions in Old Rajasthani 423
  29. Part VI. Semantics and pragmatics
  30. Chapter 21. The locative alternation with spray/load verbs in Old English 445
  31. Chapter 22. Penetration of French-origin lexis in Middle English occupational domains 459
  32. Chapter 23. Meaning change from superlatives to definite descriptions 479
  33. Chapter 24. Towards diachronic word classes universals 501
  34. Chapter 25. Grammaticalizing the face in a first generation sign language 519
  35. Part VII. Language contact, variation and diffusion
  36. Chapter 26. Linguistic divergence under contact 563
  37. Chapter 27. Roots and branches of variation across dialects of English 593
  38. Chapter 28. Waves in computer simulations of linguistic diffusion 615
  39. Index 631
  40. Language index 637
https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.348.01hoc

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction 1
  4. Part I. Phonology
  5. Chapter 1. Old Irish consonant quality re-examined 11
  6. Chapter 2. The use of the past to explain the past 27
  7. Chapter 3. Pertinacity in loanwords 57
  8. Part II. Morphology
  9. Chapter 4. Ablaut in Armenian nasal declension 77
  10. Chapter 5. Gender and declension mismatches in West Nordic 97
  11. Chapter 6. The development of gender and countability effects in German ung - and English ing -nominals 115
  12. Chapter 7. Where do Italian - ata nouns come from? 133
  13. Chapter 8. Diachrony and morphological equilibrium 149
  14. Chapter 9. Anti-relevant, contra-iconic but system-adequate 171
  15. Part III. Morphosyntax
  16. Chapter 10. Impersonal passives and the suffix - r in the Indo-European languages 187
  17. Chapter 11. The Old English verbal prefixes for- and ge- 217
  18. Part IV. Syntax
  19. Chapter 12. Enclitic -( m ) a ‘but’ / -( y ) a ‘and’ in Hittite 245
  20. Chapter 13. State representation and dynamic processes in Homeric Greek 271
  21. Chapter 14. Effecting a change 287
  22. Chapter 15. Early Indo-European dialects and innovations of aspect systems 301
  23. Chapter 16. Perfecting the notion of Sprachbund 319
  24. Chapter 17. Parameters in the development of Romance perfective auxiliary selection 343
  25. Chapter 18. Adverbs and the left periphery of non-finite clauses in Old Spanish 385
  26. Part V. Diachronic typology
  27. Chapter 19. The sources of antipassive constructions 405
  28. Chapter 20. A diachronic account of converbal constructions in Old Rajasthani 423
  29. Part VI. Semantics and pragmatics
  30. Chapter 21. The locative alternation with spray/load verbs in Old English 445
  31. Chapter 22. Penetration of French-origin lexis in Middle English occupational domains 459
  32. Chapter 23. Meaning change from superlatives to definite descriptions 479
  33. Chapter 24. Towards diachronic word classes universals 501
  34. Chapter 25. Grammaticalizing the face in a first generation sign language 519
  35. Part VII. Language contact, variation and diffusion
  36. Chapter 26. Linguistic divergence under contact 563
  37. Chapter 27. Roots and branches of variation across dialects of English 593
  38. Chapter 28. Waves in computer simulations of linguistic diffusion 615
  39. Index 631
  40. Language index 637
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