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An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish

Default place assignment and phonetic underspecification

Abstract

Previous accounts of nasal place neutralization in Spanish have claimed that word-medial nasal codas acquire place features by categorical assimilation, whereas word-final nasals are specified for place by epenthesis of a dialect-particular default value. This paper reports on the results of experimental investigation into the acoustic properties of place neutralized nasals in Spanish. Results confirm that speakers of alveolarizing dialects neutralize word-final nasal place contrasts to [coronal], whereas the output of neutralization in velarizing dialects is [dorsal]. Moreover, acoustic analysis reveals that preconsonantal nasal codas are not targets for categorical assimilation. In agreement with the experimental results, an alternative analysis is presented in which word-medial preconsonantal nasal codas are underspecified for place on the surface.

Abstract

Previous accounts of nasal place neutralization in Spanish have claimed that word-medial nasal codas acquire place features by categorical assimilation, whereas word-final nasals are specified for place by epenthesis of a dialect-particular default value. This paper reports on the results of experimental investigation into the acoustic properties of place neutralized nasals in Spanish. Results confirm that speakers of alveolarizing dialects neutralize word-final nasal place contrasts to [coronal], whereas the output of neutralization in velarizing dialects is [dorsal]. Moreover, acoustic analysis reveals that preconsonantal nasal codas are not targets for categorical assimilation. In agreement with the experimental results, an alternative analysis is presented in which word-medial preconsonantal nasal codas are underspecified for place on the surface.

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents vii
  3. Foreword and acknowledgements ix
  4. Editor’s introduction xi
  5. Theory and practice in Romance linguistics today 1
  6. Part I. Morphophonology
  7. On the origins of /ɨ/ in Romanian 17
  8. An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish 33
  9. An acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja 49
  10. Mid front vowel lowering before rhotics in Ibero-Romance 63
  11. Plural formation in Galician 79
  12. Part II. Syntax
  13. On bare subject relative clauses in Old French 101
  14. Directed motion in Medieval French 117
  15. An ergative analysis of French valency alternations 137
  16. Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives in ellipsis contexts 155
  17. On the nature of nominal features 177
  18. On the nature of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish 191
  19. Negative imperatives in Portuguese and other Romance languages 205
  20. Part III. Semantic interfaces
  21. Another look at Italian generic sentences 223
  22. The agreement of collective DPS in Romanian 239
  23. A multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian 257
  24. The Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement 271
  25. New challenges in the area of semantic dependencies 287
  26. Polarity particles in English and Romanian 303
  27. Index 329
Romance Linguistics 2010
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Romance Linguistics 2010
https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.318.03ram

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents vii
  3. Foreword and acknowledgements ix
  4. Editor’s introduction xi
  5. Theory and practice in Romance linguistics today 1
  6. Part I. Morphophonology
  7. On the origins of /ɨ/ in Romanian 17
  8. An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish 33
  9. An acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja 49
  10. Mid front vowel lowering before rhotics in Ibero-Romance 63
  11. Plural formation in Galician 79
  12. Part II. Syntax
  13. On bare subject relative clauses in Old French 101
  14. Directed motion in Medieval French 117
  15. An ergative analysis of French valency alternations 137
  16. Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives in ellipsis contexts 155
  17. On the nature of nominal features 177
  18. On the nature of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish 191
  19. Negative imperatives in Portuguese and other Romance languages 205
  20. Part III. Semantic interfaces
  21. Another look at Italian generic sentences 223
  22. The agreement of collective DPS in Romanian 239
  23. A multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian 257
  24. The Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement 271
  25. New challenges in the area of semantic dependencies 287
  26. Polarity particles in English and Romanian 303
  27. Index 329
Heruntergeladen am 2.5.2026 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/cilt.318.03ram/html?lang=de
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