Unpronounced MUCH and the distribution of degree expressions in Spanish
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Antonia Androutsopoulou
Abstract
This paper focuses on the distribution of degree adjectival modifiers in Spanish. We distinguish two series of morphologically related degree expressions in Spanish: –to vs. –toless forms, i.e. tanto ‘so much’ vs. tan ‘so’. In the framework of Corver’s (1997) Split-DegP Hypothesis, it will be shown that the distribution of these two series of degree expressions corresponds to that of Q-heads (–to forms) and Degheads (–toless forms). We argue that Q-heads, as opposed to Deg-heads, are nominals, more concretely adjectives, and that they license an unpronounced MUCH head (cf. Kayne 2002). MUCH will be shown to play a crucial role in the account of the distribution of Q-heads and Deg-heads in Spanish. We also consider the relationship between MUCH in Spanish and overt much in English much-support contexts, as well as the somewhat different conditions determining the licensing of these two elements. Finally, we argue that the postulation of an unpronounced MUCH accounts for the particular syntactic properties of very in English
Abstract
This paper focuses on the distribution of degree adjectival modifiers in Spanish. We distinguish two series of morphologically related degree expressions in Spanish: –to vs. –toless forms, i.e. tanto ‘so much’ vs. tan ‘so’. In the framework of Corver’s (1997) Split-DegP Hypothesis, it will be shown that the distribution of these two series of degree expressions corresponds to that of Q-heads (–to forms) and Degheads (–toless forms). We argue that Q-heads, as opposed to Deg-heads, are nominals, more concretely adjectives, and that they license an unpronounced MUCH head (cf. Kayne 2002). MUCH will be shown to play a crucial role in the account of the distribution of Q-heads and Deg-heads in Spanish. We also consider the relationship between MUCH in Spanish and overt much in English much-support contexts, as well as the somewhat different conditions determining the licensing of these two elements. Finally, we argue that the postulation of an unpronounced MUCH accounts for the particular syntactic properties of very in English
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Foreword v
- Table of contents vii
- Unpronounced MUCH and the distribution of degree expressions in Spanish 1
- The status of the (supposed) expletive in Brazilian Portuguese existential clauses 17
- On the linearization of adjectives in Romanian 33
- Prepositionless genitive and N+N compounding in (Old) French and Italian 53
- Vowel elision in spoken Italian 73
- Acoustic correlates of phonological microvariations 89
- Romance lenition 111
- Main stress in Italian nonce nouns 127
- Negative concord as feature sharing 143
- Appositive sentences and the structure(s) of coordination 159
- Cleaving the interactions between sluicing and P-stranding 175
- Another look at wh-questions in Romance 199
- Index of subjects and terms 259
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Foreword v
- Table of contents vii
- Unpronounced MUCH and the distribution of degree expressions in Spanish 1
- The status of the (supposed) expletive in Brazilian Portuguese existential clauses 17
- On the linearization of adjectives in Romanian 33
- Prepositionless genitive and N+N compounding in (Old) French and Italian 53
- Vowel elision in spoken Italian 73
- Acoustic correlates of phonological microvariations 89
- Romance lenition 111
- Main stress in Italian nonce nouns 127
- Negative concord as feature sharing 143
- Appositive sentences and the structure(s) of coordination 159
- Cleaving the interactions between sluicing and P-stranding 175
- Another look at wh-questions in Romance 199
- Index of subjects and terms 259
