Negation and the subject position in San’ani Arabic
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Elabbas Benmamoun
Abstract
In this paper, we discuss a topic that has not received extensive attention within the lively debate about the syntax of sentential negation in Arabic varieties. The topic concerns the interaction between the subject of the sentence, particularly the pronominal subject, and the sentential negative. In most Arabic varieties, the pronominal subject precedes the sentential negative on a par with its lexical subject counterpart. San’ani Arabic, however, allows for the pronominal subject to follow the sentential negative. Assuming that the structure of sentential negation, and of the clause in general, is to a large extent uniform across dialects, we will provide an account that derives the somewhat peculiar pattern in San’ani Arabic and contrast it with a different pattern in Moroccan Arabic that illustrates a different manifestation of the interaction between negation and the pronominal subject. San’ani relies on cliticization (without movement) while Moroccan Arabic relies on head movement. In the course of the paper, we introduce data that have not figured prominently in the debate about sentential negation in Arabic varieties and also draw diachronic parallels between San’ani Arabic and Classical Arabic, where cliticization may have been the process that gave rise to the negative laysa.
Abstract
In this paper, we discuss a topic that has not received extensive attention within the lively debate about the syntax of sentential negation in Arabic varieties. The topic concerns the interaction between the subject of the sentence, particularly the pronominal subject, and the sentential negative. In most Arabic varieties, the pronominal subject precedes the sentential negative on a par with its lexical subject counterpart. San’ani Arabic, however, allows for the pronominal subject to follow the sentential negative. Assuming that the structure of sentential negation, and of the clause in general, is to a large extent uniform across dialects, we will provide an account that derives the somewhat peculiar pattern in San’ani Arabic and contrast it with a different pattern in Moroccan Arabic that illustrates a different manifestation of the interaction between negation and the pronominal subject. San’ani relies on cliticization (without movement) while Moroccan Arabic relies on head movement. In the course of the paper, we introduce data that have not figured prominently in the debate about sentential negation in Arabic varieties and also draw diachronic parallels between San’ani Arabic and Classical Arabic, where cliticization may have been the process that gave rise to the negative laysa.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- The development of future participles and future tense markers from motion predicates 9
- Yod-dropping in b-imperfect verb forms in Amman 29
-
Syntax
- Prosodic constituency and locality in Levantine Arabic 47
- Negation and the subject position in San’ani Arabic 75
- Splitting Neg: 91
- Multiple agreement in Arabic 121
- Cyclic AGREE derives restrictions on cliticization in classical Arabic 135
-
Phonology
- Secondary stress exist in Cairene Arabic? 163
- Paradoxical paradigms! Evidence from Lebanese Arabic phonology 185
-
Sociolinguistics
- The Arabic of Bukhara 213
-
Semantic/Pragmatics
- Terms of endearment and anger in Levantine Arabic 243
-
Language acquisition
- On the L1 development of final consonant clusters in Cairene Arabic 263
-
Neurolinguistics
- Neurocognitive modeling of the two language varieties in Arabic Diglossia 285
- Index 303
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- The development of future participles and future tense markers from motion predicates 9
- Yod-dropping in b-imperfect verb forms in Amman 29
-
Syntax
- Prosodic constituency and locality in Levantine Arabic 47
- Negation and the subject position in San’ani Arabic 75
- Splitting Neg: 91
- Multiple agreement in Arabic 121
- Cyclic AGREE derives restrictions on cliticization in classical Arabic 135
-
Phonology
- Secondary stress exist in Cairene Arabic? 163
- Paradoxical paradigms! Evidence from Lebanese Arabic phonology 185
-
Sociolinguistics
- The Arabic of Bukhara 213
-
Semantic/Pragmatics
- Terms of endearment and anger in Levantine Arabic 243
-
Language acquisition
- On the L1 development of final consonant clusters in Cairene Arabic 263
-
Neurolinguistics
- Neurocognitive modeling of the two language varieties in Arabic Diglossia 285
- Index 303
