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Overt nominative subjects in infinitival complements in Hungarian
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Anna Szabolcsi
Abstract
We argue that the infinitival complements of subject-control and subject-to-subject raising verbs in Hungarian can have overt nominative subjects. The infinitival subject status of these DPs is diagnosed by constituent order, binding properties, and scope interpretation. Long-distance Agree(ment) and multiple agreement are crucial to their overtness.
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Abstract
We argue that the infinitival complements of subject-control and subject-to-subject raising verbs in Hungarian can have overt nominative subjects. The infinitival subject status of these DPs is diagnosed by constituent order, binding properties, and scope interpretation. Long-distance Agree(ment) and multiple agreement are crucial to their overtness.
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Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Foreword vii
- Hungarian v 1
- Eliminating factivity from syntax 29
- Negative quantifiers in Hungarian 65
- Polarity particles in Hungarian 95
- Experimental evidence for recursion in prosody 119
- Trochaic proper government, loose CV, and vowel ~ zero alternation in Hungarian 143
- Ablative causes in Hungarian 167
- Morphology or phonology? 197
- Adpositional preverbs, chain reduction and phases 217
- Overt nominative subjects in infinitival complements in Hungarian 251
- Name index 277
- Subject index 279
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Foreword vii
- Hungarian v 1
- Eliminating factivity from syntax 29
- Negative quantifiers in Hungarian 65
- Polarity particles in Hungarian 95
- Experimental evidence for recursion in prosody 119
- Trochaic proper government, loose CV, and vowel ~ zero alternation in Hungarian 143
- Ablative causes in Hungarian 167
- Morphology or phonology? 197
- Adpositional preverbs, chain reduction and phases 217
- Overt nominative subjects in infinitival complements in Hungarian 251
- Name index 277
- Subject index 279
