Band 76, Heft 2-3

Background/Aims: This paper examines the process of postvocalic voicing in the Spanish of Gran Canaria from the point of view of language change. A perception-production study was designed to measure the extent of variation in speaker productions, explore the degree to which production is affected by perception and identify variables that can be considered markers of sound change in progress. Methods: 20 native speakers of the dialect were asked to repeat auditory input data containing voiceless non-continuants with and without voicing. Results: Input voicing has no effect on output pronunciations, but voicing is highly variable, with both phonetic and social factors involved. Most importantly, a clear lenition pattern was identified based on such indicators as consonant duration, intensity ratio, absence of burst and presence of formants, with the velar /k/ as the most affected segment. Furthermore, strong social implications were identified: voicing degrees and rates depend both on the level of education and on the gender of the speaker. Conclusion: The results of the study suggest that the interplay of external and internal factors must be investigated more thoroughly to better address the question of phonetic variation and phonologisation of contrasts in the context of language change.

Background/Aims: Native speakers often have a difficult time understanding non-native speech, and this challenge is frequently attributed to a more variable signal. While theories and models of general speech perception are grounded in issues of variability, they rarely consider non-native speech. Here, we ask how a specific type of variability (speaking rate) impacts two measures of perception for both native and non-native speech. Methods: In the present study, one group of listeners transcribed speech, providing a measure of intelligibility. A second group of listeners rated how fluent the speaker was, providing a measure of fluency. Results: The results show that variability in speaking rate correlates with a non-native speaker’s intelligibility. However, perceived fluency measures are not predicted by this variability measure. Conclusions: These results, taken with studies of the range of variability in non-native speech, suggest that variability in non-native speech is not a monolithic construct. Current theories and models of perception can be enhanced by examining non-native speech and how variability in that speech impacts perception.

As a result of complex international migration patterns, listeners in large urban centres such as London, UK, likely encounter large amounts of variation in spoken language. However, although dealing with variation is crucial to communication, relatively little is known about how the ability to do this develops. Still less is known about how this might be affected by language background. The current study investigates whether early experience with variation, specifically growing up bilingually in London, affects accent categorization. Sixty children (30 monolingual, 30 bilingual) aged 5–7 years, were tested in their ability to comprehend and categorize talkers in 2 out of 3 accents: a home, unfamiliar regional and unfamiliar foreign-accented variety. All children demonstrated high, above-chance performance in the comprehension task, but language background significantly affected the children’s ability to categorize talkers. Bilinguals were able to categorize talkers in all accent conditions, but although all children were able to understand the talkers, monolingual children were only able to categorize talkers in the home-foreign accent condition. Overall, the results are consistent with an approach in which gradient representations of accent variation emerge alongside an understanding of how variation is used meaningfully within a child’s environment.

Different pronunciation variants of the same word can facilitate lexical access, but they may be more or less effective primes depending on their phonological form, stylistic appropriateness, familiarity, and social prestige, suggesting that multiple phonological variants are encoded in the lexicon with varying strength. The current study investigated how subphonemic variation is encoded using a lexical decision task with cross-modal form priming. The results revealed that the magnitude of priming was mediated by stylistic and social properties of the auditory primes, including speaking style, talker dialect, and duration. These interactions provide evidence that phonetically reduced forms and forms that are not socially prestigious are not as robustly encoded in the lexicon as canonical forms and forms produced in prestigious varieties.

Background/Aims: Lexically guided perceptual learning in speech is the updating of linguistic categories based on novel input disambiguated by the structure provided in a recognized lexical item. We test the range of variation that allows for perceptual learning by presenting listeners with items that vary from subtle within-category variation to fully remapped cross-category variation. Methods: Experiment 1 uses a lexically guided perceptual learning paradigm with words containing noncanonical /s/ realizations from s/ʃ continua that correspond to “typical,” “ambiguous,” “atypical,” and “remapped” steps. Perceptual learning is tested in an s/ʃ categorization task. Experiment 2 addresses listener sensitivity to variation in the exposure items using AX discrimination tasks. Results: Listeners in experiment 1 showed perceptual learning with the maximally ambiguous tokens. Performance of listeners in experiment 2 suggests that tokens which showed the most perceptual learning were not perceptually salient on their own. Conclusion: These results demonstrate that perceptual learning is enhanced with maximally ambiguous stimuli. Excessively atypical pronunciations show attenuated perceptual learning, while typical pronunciations show no evidence for perceptual learning. AX discrimination illustrates that the maximally ambiguous stimuli are not perceptually unique. Together, these results suggest that perceptual learning relies on an interplay between confidence in phonetic and lexical predictions and category typicality.

Individual variability in sound change was explored at three stages of final vowel reduction and loss in the endangered Finnic varieties of Ingria (subdialects of Ingrian, Votic and Ingrian Finnish). The correlation between the realisation of reduced vowels and their phonemic categorisation by speakers was studied. The correlated results showed that if V was pronounced >70%, its starting loss was not yet perceived, apart from certain frequent elements, but after >70% loss, V was not perceived any more. A split of 50/50 between V and loss in production correlated with the same split in categorisation. At the beginning of a sound change, production is, therefore, more innovative, but after reanalysis, categorisation becomes more innovative and leads the change. The vowel a was the most innovative in terms of loss, u / o were the most conservative, and i was in the middle, while consonantal palatalisation was more salient than labialisation. These differences are based on acoustics, articulation and perception.