Band 69, Heft 3

This study looks at how the conflicting goals of chewing and speech production are reconciled by examining the acoustic and articulatory output of talking while chewing. We consider chewing to be a type of perturbation with regard to speech production, but with some important differences. Ultrasound and acoustic measurements were made while participants chewed gum and produced various utterances containing the sounds /s/, /ʃ/, and /r/. Results show a great deal of individual variation in articulation and acoustics between speakers, but consistent productions and maintenance of relative acoustic distances within speakers. Although chewing interfered with speech production, and this interference manifested itself in a variety of ways across speakers, the objectives of speech production were indirectly achieved within the constraints and variability introduced by individual chewing strategies.

This study describes the weakening of intervocalic /s/ in the Nijmegen Corpus of Casual Spanish and investigates the role of several potential conditioning factors, including morphological, lexical and probabilistic variables. Three acoustic parameters were examined: voicing, the difference in high-band (4–8 kHz) intensity between /s/ and the following vowel, and the duration of the dip in low-band (0–1.5 kHz) intensity in /s/. Over a third of the /s/ consonants exhibited uninterrupted voicing. All three parameters were highly sensitive to speech rate and, less consistently, to prosodic factors such as word position and stress. We also found that /s/ suffixes in redundant morphosyntactic contexts were more prone to weakening than other word-final /s/ segments. Several high-frequency words were particularly prone to weakening, but no general probabilistic effects were observed for factors claimed to favor reduction such as word frequency, contextual predictability or grammatical class. These findings demonstrate the complex variability characteristic of reduction phenomena in spontaneous speech.

The Spanish voiced obstruents /b d g/ are traditionally described as having each two allophones: stop and fricative (approximant) in complementary distribution. Several researchers have noted that some Central American and Highland Colombian varieties deviate from the general allophonic distribution in showing a preference for stop realizations in all contexts, except for the intervocalic position. In this paper we report on a large-scale acoustic investigation of /b d g/ in postconsonantal (after a liquid, sibilant or glide) and postvocalic (after /a/) contexts in Costa Rica Spanish, establishing a comparison with the variety of Madrid, Spain, which we take as representative of a variety with the general pattern of allophony. Our study, based on a continuous measurement of intensity, confirms previous descriptions in that Costa Rica Spanish does indeed show a different pattern of allophony from that found in the Madrid variety. The analysis shows that in Costa Rica Spanish postconsonantal realizations of /b/ and /d/ are very different from postvocalic ones, with a clear separation in the degree of constriction between these two contexts. In Madrid, on the other hand, we find a continuum of constriction degrees, depending on the nature of the specific preceding segment, and without a clear separation between postvocalic and postconsonantal realizations. The question that naturally arises is that of the historical connection between these two patterns of allophony, for which we offer some speculation, based in historical parallels and comparison with other varieties.

This paper examines kinematic patterns of jaw opening and associated F1 values of 4 American English speakers in productions of the sentence ‘I saw five bright highlights in the sky’. Results show strong-weak jaw opening alternations during the production of the utterance, and significant correlation of F1 with jaw opening for 3 of the 4 speakers. The observed jaw opening patterns correspond to metrically generated syllable stress levels for productions of the sentence by these 4 speakers.