“Tall, Dark and Tasty”: Masculinity in Food and Beverage Advertising

2.1 Hegemonic Masculinity

Section 2.1 will briefly introduce the concepts of gender performativity and hegemonic masculinity. Sex is a biological category, while gender is a social category. Butler (1990) introduced the concept of performativity, highlighting the performative nature of human behavioural patterns and actions, which in turn offers an opportunity to construct different forms of gender expression through different behaviours. Gender identities are therefore constructed through repetitive actions. In what follows, we will discuss some performative patterns that are characteristic of hegemonic masculinity.

As a concept, hegemonic masculinity could be defined as generally white, heterosexual, middle-class male sovereignty, which is delineated from deviant masculinities (for example, men of colour, homosexual men, and poor or working-class men) (Connell 2005, 76–77; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005, 832). Importantly, hegemony is not natural: the dominant male class is expected to work hard in order to maintain it, which involves disciplining their bodies and delineating themselves from and discrediting women (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005, 844). Hegemonic masculinity defines a pattern of practice, which offers men suggestions in terms of how to interact with women and ways to resolve conflicts within gender hierarchies and thus marginalise deviant masculinities (Connell 2005, 80). Characteristics that define hegemonic masculinity are mirrored in male film stars and cinematic heroes or fantasy figures (Connell 2005, 77). In this respect, Katz (2011, 261) argues that one of the key sources of constructing dominant masculinity is the Hollywood film industry. What’s more, Hollywood has introduced “a seemingly endless stream of violent male icons” (Katz (2011, 261; emphasis added) played by Arnold Schwarznegger, Sylvester Stallone, Bruce Willis and others. Hegemonic masculinity asserts a claim to “authority,” which leads to the development of underlying violent behavioural patterns that are universally accepted (Connell 2005, 77).

Bodily experience is vital for understanding ourselves. The physical capabilities that come with a strong, muscular body are vital to the construction of masculinity. “Masculine gender is […] a certain feel to the skin, certain muscular shapes and tensions, certain postures and ways of moving, certain possibilities in sex” (Connell 2005, 52–53). Referring to Brod’s (1987) idea of “masculine identity validation,” Katz (2011, 262) asserts that the strong body is a means of legitimating masculine identity, especially for working-class men who possess less access to more “abstract forms of masculinity-validating power” (such as economic power or workplace authority). Connell (2005, 48) even refers to the metaphor of “the body as [a] machine” that is expected to function, operate and fulfil tasks, which in turn results in body-related needs that can be met by the advertised products. In this respect, see Section 4.2 for the analysis of the posters advertising sport nutrition and protein-containing products.

Sexuality and the physical act of sex constitute a further significant part of a man’s understanding of himself. Historically viewed, heterosexuality has been compulsory for both men and women, which also implies the sexual availability of women (Rich 1980). Katz (2011, 264) defines violence as “a genetically programmed behaviour” that is one of the central components in defining masculinity. Interestingly, violence in advertising is often depicted as attractive: “Contemporary ads contain numerous images of men who are positioned as sexy because they possess a certain aggressive ‘attitude’” (Katz 2011, 262). Islentyeva et al. (2023) also demonstrate that violent and aggressive behavioural patterns are predominant, especially in perfume and fast-food advertising.

Meat consumption is likewise a performative act that reinforces masculinity and allows men a platform to perform “real” masculinity (Klainberger 2020, 133). Meat consumption can be understood as a form of “hegemonic control” and “primitivism” (Adams 2020, 39). Klainberger (2020, 128) asserts that meat-eating constitutes a cultural practice. In this respect, advertisers of fast-food industries tend to convince consumers that meat-eating is manly (Klainberger 2020, 128); instead of being presented as health-threatening behaviour, meat consumption is depicted as attractive in the media and promotional culture (Adams 2020, 99). Strikingly, the language used in advertising with regard to meat consumption reinforces the ideas that men have about animals and women. The use of exploitative language is predominant (Adams 2020, 54). Meat-eating is justified by objectifying animals and dehumanising female models (Klainberger 2020, 130). What’s more, hunting and “going on quests” are presented as actions that fit “masculine behaviour,” which evokes the idea of a man’s mastery of nature (Adams 2020, 202).

Finally, hegemonic masculinity is not compatible with health concerns and a restrictive diet, which is why when targeting a male audience, diet products are hardly ever advertised (Gough 2007, 328). Concerns about losing weight and following a strict diet do not correspond with the image of a strong man. “Specifically, men are positioned as ignorant about nutrition and disinterested in healthy eating, and their diets are constructed as universally narrow and unhealthy” (Gough 2007, 331). What’s more, real men avoid healthy nutritional constituents, which promotes an unbalanced, unhealthy diet (Gough 2007, 329), which is also supported in the media. Gough (2007, 330) sums up: “Here, masculinity is defined—and upheld—as indolent, unhealthy and diet-averse.”

2.2 Masculinity in Advertising: Research Overview

Section 2.2 provides a brief overview of the research regarding portrayals of masculinity in contemporary advertising. The portrayal of gender, the socially constructed ideas of the feminine and the masculine, has had unbalanced dynamics in advertising ever since the emergence of consumerist communities (Grau and Zotos 2016; Zawisza-Riley 2019, 34–37). Men have traditionally primarily been depicted as authoritative, independent, practical and career-focused, whereas representations of women in advertising have been governed by dependency, subordination, family ties and allusions to the domestic sphere. What’s more, the sexualisation and objectification of female bodies in promotional culture generally carries implications for the construction of masculinity, namely a heterosexual man who derives pleasure by gazing at sexualised images of women (Adams 2020; Islentyeva et.al. 2023; Klainberger 2020).

Rohlinger’s (2002) quantitative analysis of a sample of 1078 advertisements from five mainstream men’s magazines (Sports Illustrated, Men’sHealth, Popular Mechanics, GQ and Business Week) from two years, 1987 and 1997, identifies a reverse trend, namely the rising eroticisation and sexualisation of male models. Her findings show that of the nine depictions of masculinity coded in the analysed sample, four representations were prominent: the erotic male, the hero, the man at work, and the consumer, with the erotic male constituting the most dominant depiction (36.9 %) in both 1987 and 1997. Importantly, the target audience is mostly female, with companies trying to appeal to the liberated woman; however, Rohlinger argues that the erotic male could appeal to many different audiences, for example, heterosexual and homosexual; see further discussion of the erotic male and the analysis of Diet Coke Break campaign in Section 4.4.

An and Kim (2007) examined cross-cultural differences in gender role portrayals in 400 web advertisements from Korea and the US employing Hofstede’s (1980) model of five value dimensions, which measures, among others, the norms governing the societal roles attached to men and women. Among the 53 nations included in the analysis, Hofstede (2001) ranks Japan as the most masculine nation and Sweden as the most feminine. Ranked at 41, Korea is closer to the feminine end of the continuum, while the US, ranked at 15, is more masculine than Korea. The results of An and Kim’s (2007) study show that a greater percentage of Korean advertisements (1) feature both male and female models in relationship themes; (2) feature women as a main character, whereas men dominated US advertisements as a main character; (3) the majority of Korean women were depicted in family and recreational situations, while most of US advertisers featured women in a decorative role. To a large extent, their results validate the use of Hofstede’s masculinity dimension to explain the difference in the depiction of women and men in web advertising.

Gentry and Harrison’s (2010) content analysis of gender roles in more than 1800 commercials (from 2007 to 2008) targeted at adult males, females, and children suggest that while women are being shown in less stereotypically traditional roles, portrayals of men still reflect a traditional masculine perspective, including the portrayals shown to boys. The results show two key thematic representations of masculinity in commercials targeted at men: the stoically macho man and the horse’s ass. “The stoically macho man is the embodiment of rugged masculinity” (Gentry and Harrison 2010, 88); he is a career-oriented and hardworking man who provides both physical and financial security for his family, but he is not a caring and empathetic “nurturing father.” The horse’s ass is immature, incompetent—even destructive and violent. Gentry and Harrison (2010, 90) also emphasise the necessity of studying masculinity portrayals as “to leave masculine perspectives unstudied, leaves the male gender role neutralized, rendering it less permeable to change.”

Katz (2011, 263) argues that several recurring themes in advertising contribute to the recreation of the concept of white violent masculinity, namely: (1) violence as genetically programmed behaviour, (2) the use of military and sports symbolism and (3) the association of muscularity with ideal masculinity.

In a study investigating 50 advertisements promoting five different types of products, including beverages, clothing, cosmetics, food, and male fragrances, Islentyeva et al. (2023) identified five major strategies of portraying masculinity in advertising (1999–2020): (1) strength, (2) sex appeal, (3) sex and dominance, (4) gentleman’s look, and (5) fatherhood and gender equality. Their findings show that a focus on strength, sex appeal, and sex and dominance are identified in most cases, suggesting that the stereotypical representation of masculinity through bodily strength, muscles, and dominance over women still continues to be prevalent. This paper builds upon the study by Islentyeva et al. (2023), but focuses exclusively on the analysis of utilitarian products in order to trace the relationship between the types of endorsed products and the strategies employed in the representation of masculinity.

Finally, it should be noted that portrayals of gender roles can vary depending on the target audience; for example, commercials targeted at women have increasingly shown women in more egalitarian roles; male-oriented commercials, on the other hand, perpetuate more traditional gender roles, with more violence detected than nurturance (Gentry and Harrison 2010, 81, 90). To sum up, contemporary advertising continues to promote a rather traditional representation of masculinity, despite the fact that gender norms and roles are in a state of constant flux; as such, advertising plays one of the crucial roles in reinforcing the status quo.

4.1 Strength and Power

The concepts of strength and power are intrinsically interrelated with hegemonic masculinity. The representation of male strength seems to be one of the most defining features of masculinity in advertising, both visually and verbally. This strategy was identified in nine of the 35 posters analysed for this study. The portrayal of muscular, well-trained male bodies is predominant, especially in the context of sport nutrition and nutritional supplements, but also in beverage advertising. The posters promoting products such as yogurt, milk, (protein)shakes, nutritional supplements, as well as soft drinks and even alcoholic beverages routinely employ a combination of verbal and visual elements to promote the concepts of strength. The trend is evident in the following slogans (emphasis added): “Milk for real men” (Maximuscle); “Stronger makes everything better” (Oikos). Alcohol consumption is also presented as manly behaviour, which is reflected in the slogan “The strong beer for real men” (Colt 45). In cases where models are absent from the posters, the reference to strength is expressed using written language. For further analysis of the linguistic representation of men in US English, refer to Baker’s (2015) discussion of shifting the focus from men’s moral qualities to attractive and strong male bodies in the 20th century.

In our sample, male models often showcase not only their flawless physique, especially their muscular bodies, but also their efficiency and functionality. They are usually athletic or even professional sportsmen like the American football player in the Coca-Cola Zero poster (Figure 4).^[1] As will be discussed further in relation to the strategy of sex appeal and attractiveness, cut-outs and body fragmentation (Adams 2020, 59) depicting distinct male body parts, such as sharp jawlines, trained and muscular torsos with six packs, and trim and toned waistlines, are frequently found in food and beverage advertisements (Posters 12, 13 and 14).

The analysed sample contains two posters promoting the high protein and fat-free milk shake Maximuscle; the name of the brand speaks for itself. Both posters depict male models engaged in unrealistic activities that would require enormous physical strength, while their slogan reads “Milk for real men. Real nutrition when you need it. Builds lean muscle. High protein, fat free” (emphasis added). Figure 1 features an extremely trained muscular man effortlessly hanging on to a rock with one hand. Mountain climbing requires enormous physical strength and helps train defined muscular bodies, and is typically considered a masculine activity (Posch 2022; Runggaldier-Moroder 2011). In this respect, Runggaldier-Moroder (2011) argues that the history of mountaineering has long been a history of men: it is mostly about men and has been written by men.

Figure 1:

Advertisement “Maxi-Milk” (© 2012, Maximuscle).

The second Maximuscle poster (Poster 30) in the sample introduces another distinguished feature to the portrayal of prototypical masculinity, namely the image of a strong father. The concept of strength occasionally correlates with the notion of fatherhood (Grau and Zotos 2016, 767–768; Islentyeva et al. 2023). This poster both verbally and visually builds upon the idea of a strong father: the man is holding up a silver car, while the boy—presumably his son—observes him from a lower, crouched position. The son’s admiration is indicated by his gaze, which is directed upward towards his father. The father is portrayed as capable of holding the protein milk bottle with one hand, while also lifting the car. Such an exaggerated portrayal presents fathers as strong and admirable role models, rather than as caring fathers. The idea of the man as a “breadwinner” (Gentry and Harrison 2010, 79) is also implied as the male model is wearing a white shirt and tie, which could stand for a businessman.

In general, advertisers frequently employ images of fictional characters, superheroes like Superman, Batman and Spiderman, who fight evil and injustice for the sake of the greater good. Such portrayals are largely symbolic as they promote an image of a fearless, brave and strong hero (Connell 2005, 77). For instance, one of the posters of the US advertising campaign encouraging the consumption of milk and dairy products “Got Milk?”^[2] depicts the actor Brandon Roth dressed up as Superman, which implies traits like strength, power, confidence, and fearlessness. Because he possesses supernatural powers, he represents a role model for a (younger) male audience. His well-trained, athletic body plays a further significant role in relation to the promotion of the product at hand: the message is that the milk being advertised will make male consumers strong and self-confident superheroes, even in their daily lives. The slogan likewise reinforces this idea (emphasis added): “Super. That’s how milk makes you feel. The calcium helps bones grow strong, so even if you are not from Krypton, you can have bones of steel. Got milk?”

The Pinnacle Vodka black-and-white poster (Figure 2) features a bearded model in the woods, holding an axe in one hand and a pipe in the other. This kind of portrayal implies the completion of tough, physically demanding work. However, this prototypically masculine image is subverted by a slogan that reads “You’re not a man unless you’re whipped.” The term whipped originates from pussy-whipped, which implies that women are superior to men (Collins Dictionary). The pun thus subverts the idea of a strong man, while the visual representation, by contrast, reinforces the concept of strength and traditional masculinity.

Figure 2:

Advertisement “Pinnacle Vodka” (© 2010, Beam Suntory).

Another prevalent feature of fast food advertising that is primarily presented as a manly activity is meat consumption. In this respect, Klainberger (2020, 133) points out that “meat consumption is also perceived as a way of gaining strength.” So “manning up” as a process implies meat consumption, which helps men build physical strength and grow muscle mass. Two fast-food posters from the sample build upon these ideas: the Burger King poster (Poster 17) and the McDonald’s poster (Poster 20). Burger King’s tagline reads “Are you man enough?” next to a burger containing four meat steaks. McDonald’s advertises burgers made from Irish beef, with a slogan that reads “Serious man food” (emphasis added). To an extent, meat consumption implies men’s mastery over the natural (animal) world (Adams 2020). Often both female models and animals are either absent from the advertisements or are objectified, which likewise implies male visibility and dominance, and female subordination (see Section 4.3). Consequently, the products are advertised as helping compensate for a potential personal lack of manly qualities (Katz 2011, 263; Klainberger 2020, 134).

The motif of man’s mastery over nature is grotesquely depicted through the subordination of animals in the advertisement for the chocolate milk drink Wing-Co (Poster 9), which features a tall, elegantly dressed male model in a luxurious interior space effortlessly carrying a lioness. The slogan, rendered in French, reads “Lait D’Homme,” which could be translated as “Milk for men” and is reminiscent of French perfume advertising for men (e.g. Yves Saint Laurent L’Homme). A slogan in English reads “The manly chocolate milk for men with added man.” The foreground product placement further suggests that if you drink this milk, you can be as strong as the featured model. It seems that this poster displays an exaggerated and perhaps ironic image of masculinity, which is especially reinforced by the slogan that repeatedly emphasises the manliness of the chocolate milk drink.

4.2 Sports and Health

Within this strategy, the main focus lies on competitive sports—with strength and sport being closely interrelated. The strategy was identified in five of the 35 posters analysed. The slogans both implicitly and explicitly refer to sports and physical performance; the latter being traditionally expected from “real men” (Islentyeva et al. 2023). The slogans read: “Get in the Game” (Coca-Cola); “Find your inner abs” (Powerful Yogurt); “For Maximum Results” (USN); “Wellman – live life well” (Wellman); “Performance counts” (Wellman).

Sport nutrition and supplements, in particular products that contain protein, are supposed to contribute to achieving a muscular body—a symbol of ideal masculinity (Katz 2011, 263, 267). Most importantly, the discourse around the muscular body signifies masculine power and control. In addition, a strong, athletic body may improve one’s self-image and contribute to a higher degree of satisfaction with one’s own body. Brand advertisers seem to exploit the promise that customers will achieve these goals by using their products. The body is seen as a sort of “machine” that needs fuel; companies and advertisers try to promote these ideas, thus meeting body-related needs. Most of the products targeted at men claim to support weight gain, enhance muscle growth, and even increase penis size (Katz 2011, 267). Most of the products are thus advertised as a source of protein that could be a filling component of the male diet: Figure 3 advertises Powerful Yogurt as containing 25 g of protein. What’s more, men are not expected to follow a strict, restrictive diet, which is why diet products are hardly being advertised; dieting as such is frequently associated with femininity (Gough 2007). Placing focus on a model’s trained abdomen, Figure 3 illustrates the typical advertising technique of cutting out select parts of the body or “body-chopping,” which will be discussed in more detail in Section 4.3. Likewise, the Wellman poster (Poster 34) advertises vitamins and nutritional supplements and features a topless male model with a trained torso, while the slogan reads “Performance counts”, which again emphasises bodily abilities and physical performance as a defining feature of masculinity.

Figure 3:

Advertisement “Powerful Yogurt” (© 2014, Powerful Foods).

The posters under investigation depict male models as active and adventurous: they either work out in the gym or are willing to take risks (as discussed in reference to Figure 1). The portrayal of extreme sports and men’s willingness to take risks contributes to the creation of a kind of rebel masculinity. The use of military and sports symbolism enhances the masculine appeal (Katz 2011, 263, 265); advertisers who wish to demonstrate “the unquestioned manliness of their products” employ “the two key subsets in the symbolic image of violent masculinity: the military and sports” (Katz 2011, 266). Within the analysed sample, different types of sports and physical activities are portrayed: American football (Figure 4), mountaineering (Figure 1), tennis (Poster 3), and working out at the gym (Poster 1). Insecurities are compensated for by bodybuilding activities, which generally help men claim an authoritative position and support the image of violent masculinity (Katz 2011, 266).

Figure 4:

Advertisement “Coca Cola Zero” (© 2010, The Coca Cola Company).

Football themes abound in advertising, including advertisements for products that have little or no direct relation to sports (Katz 2011, 266). American football is paramount in terms of defining US cultural identity; it implies strength, teamwork, and determination, but also competitiveness and violence. For a while, competitive sports have been seen as a rather male-dominated field (Connell 2005; Katz 2011), even though some change has been witnessed in recent years. American football players are often presented as “hypermasculine,” with a higher level of aggression (Merskin 2014). The Coca-Cola Zero poster (Figure 4) features an American football player who represents “a classic example of prototypical masculinity” (Islentyeva et al. 2023). The male model firmly grasps a bottle of Coca-Cola. He wears a helmet and his face is painted with warpaint, reinforcing the universal archetype of the fearless warrior. Only half of his face is shown, but traits such as courage and determination are still discernible. The slogan reads “Get in the game. Real Coca-Cola taste and zero calories”; note the use of the adjective real to describe the taste of Coca-Cola, which echoes the references to real men who drink Coca-Cola for its real taste. In addition, the drink is advertised as containing zero calories, which differs from Coca-Cola Diet and Pepsi Diet, which are typically promoted in connection with women and femininity.

In contrast to team sports, the tennis player in the Moet & Chandon advertisement (Poster 3) is presented as a neatly-dressed, wealthy man who pursues leisure activities, which is clearly set in opposition to dangerous and violent sports like American football. All three components: the brand (Moët & Chandon), the product (champagne), and the featured sport (tennis), imply a certain social position and a specific lifestyle. This advertisement combines masculinity, sports and social status.

4.3 Superiority and Dominance (Hegemonic Masculinity)

The next strategy identified represents male power in the sense of superiority and dominance, especially in relation to women. The strategy was identified in nine of the 35 posters analysed. Within this category, the notion of hegemonic masculinity is the most explicit: male power, dominance, and in some cases even violence are naturalised and legitimised. It is important to note that when female models are presented in fast food advertising, the target audience is invariably clearly male (Posters 15, 16, 18, 23–25).

Subordination can often be seen in feminised realms such as interpersonal relationships and in a familial or domestic context. Male dominance and superiority are reinforced through women’s dependency and men’s brutality or even violence (Katz 2011, 263). Even more dangerous is the depiction of violence as sexy and attractive, like, for example, in perfume advertising (Islentyeva et al. 2023). Another relevant term is primitiveness, which refers primarily to the persisting male gaze (Adams 2020, 39; Klainberger 2020). The male gaze sexualizes and objectifies not only (absent) animals (Adams 2020), but also women. This is arguably one of the most successful marketing concepts to represent women and animals as (passive) sex objects. In a familial or domestic context, a different, quite traditional concept of a father as the “breadwinner” is prevalent (Gentry and Harrison 2010, 79). Male models are hardly ever found in a domestic setting; if they are, they usually work around the house, outdoors in the garden, or in their garages, where they are depicted as handymen (see Figure 2) who are responsible for physically demanding work, and as the source of monetary income (Gentry and Harrison 2010, 88). Women are typically shown as forms of “exploration and conquest” (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005, 851). Bodily features further shape male dominance as a trained muscular body and flawless appearance increases their visibility, resulting in female inferiority and thereby increasing women’s invisibility.

Fast food advertisers frequently employ images of female models and their sexualised body parts in their advertising campaigns, which (re)creates the idea that women are inferior and naturally the object of men’s desire (Klainberger 2020, 135). Fast-food advertising thus tends to play intentionally with sex and dominance both on a visual and a verbal level. The taglines taken from the posters under investigation are saturated with sexual connotations: they either refer to women’s body parts, as in “Everybody loves big breasts” (Carl’s Jr.), or in some cases even allude to sexual acts, as in “It’ll blow your mind away” (Burger King) (emphasis added). The slogans are supported by explicit photographs depicting either female models in bikinis or their body parts in sexualised settings. Frequently, the photographic technique of cutting out or “body-chopping” is employed. Adams (2020, 59, original emphasis) defines the term as follows: “Body chopping is a formal term for images in advertisements that display only a part of an individual.” The use of fragmented female body parts thus strengthens tendencies of objectification (Klainberger 2020, 136). Importantly, not only are female models sexualised, but male models are also presented as “sexually aggressive” (Klainberger 2020, 137). However, the target male audience is rarely present visually, but rather implied verbally; note the direct references using the second person possessive pronouns: “It’ll blow your mind” in the Burger King advertisement (Poster 15, emphasis added).

Launched in Singapore, but ultimately causing a great deal of controversy in the US (Klainberger 2020, 141), the Burger King poster (Poster 15) employs a phallic symbol in the shape of a hot dog. The female model opens her mouth and waits for the hot dog, which suggests oral sex. The slogan “It’ll blow your mind away” clearly reinforces the implied sexual act. Klainberger (2020, 136–137), based on Adams (2020), argues that fast-food marketers employ the products they advertise as substitutes for external genitals. Carl’s Jr.’s tagline “Everybody loves big breasts” (Poster 19) functions in a similar fashion, only on the verbal level, implying both the chicken fillet used in the burgers and female breasts. The round shape of both the burger buns and female breasts allows this interplay, which has also been employed in other fast-food advertisements (see Klainberger’s (2020, 137) analysis of Arby’s poster).

Another Carl’s Jr. poster (Figure 5) employs the notion of (hyper)-femininity, depicting the US media personality and model Paris Hilton in a revealing black bodysuit; she stands next to a huge burger that is similar in size to the model herself. The tagline reads: “She’ll tell you size doesn’t matter. She’s lying,” which again might refer to the size of the burger, but could also imply penis size. The model’s eyes and mouth are closed in a fashion that expresses pleasure, and she also holds a burger in her hand. In this respect, Adams (2020, 6–7) claims that Carl’s Jr. “instructs heterosexual men on how to look at women,” which further frames the idea of the “male spectator” and the voyeuristic undertone of fast-food advertising. Adams (2020, 244) also labels it “woman-as-burger-fantasy.” Although much criticised, the concepts of “sex sells” and the “male gaze” remain enduring advertising strategies.

Figure 5:

Advertisement “Carl’s Jr.” (© 2005, CKE Restaurants).

The Irish campaign for Hunky Dorys chips (Posters 24–26) features female athletes dressed in incredibly tight uniforms that reveal their breasts and abdomens in an overtly sexualised manner. The slogans read “Taaasty; Bursting with flavour; The girls are back in town.” This kind of portrayal of female athletes further reinforces the heteronormative gaze, which can be interpreted as a form of patriarchal oppression. The practice of gazing at female models for the purpose of pleasure is constructed as a masculine activity; men’s gaze is “tied to hegemonic masculinity through its objectification and subordination of women” (Klainberger 2020, 137). To sum up, the analysed posters in this section clearly initiate a form of oppression and male dominance as they provoke a strict heteronormative gaze (Adams 2020; Connell 2005; Klainberger 2020) and can be unequivocally described as sexist.

4.4 Sex Appeal and Attractiveness

As demonstrated in Section 4.3, objectification and sexualisation are typically discussed in terms of representations of women and femininity; however, some studies (Islentyeva et al. 2023; Rohlinger 2002) demonstrate the increased presence of the erotic male in the mainstream media, which implies the demonstration of the naked male body and a flawless physique. Rohlinger (2002: 70; original emphasis) states that “the erotic male is increasingly becoming the depiction that dominates mainstream conceptions of masculinity.” In a similar vein, Islentyeva et al. (2023) argue that there is a correlation between perfume advertising and the strategy of sex appeal (and dominance). In these cases, the representation of male models have clear sexual undertones as the men in question are posed in a sexual manner; their trained bodies, especially abdomen and groin, become the focal point of the image used as a display area for products and logos (Rohlinger 2002, 67), which is evident in the Coca-Cola Diet posters discussed below (see Figures 3 and 6).

Figure 6:

Advertisement “Diet Coke” (© 2013, The Coca Cola Company).

As for the reasons for the increased presence of the erotic male in the media, Rohlinger (2002, 61–63) argues that both economic shifts, such as liberated women and the new male consumer, as well as cultural factors, such as the gay liberation movement, are influential factors in the proliferation of sexualised images of men in advertising. As a result, the images of the erotic male are targeted at a female audience, which opens up some reverse dynamics as a specific female gaze is being provoked. Rohlinger (2002, 71) also adds that in cases where the sexuality of a male model is ambiguous or unknown, the erotic male appeals to multiple audiences (e.g. both heterosexual and homosexual). Rohlinger (2002, 71; original emphasis) sums up: “[M]en are being sexualized and objectified in an effort to appeal to multiple audiences. Stated differently, the image of the erotic male with an unknown sexuality is sexual, but it is devoid of a specific sexual context.”

We refer to the sexualised images of men in our sample as the strategy of sex appeal and attractiveness, which was identified in seven of the 35 posters analysed, including such brands as Aero, Coca-Cola, KFC and Kraft. The respective slogans clearly indicate the target audience who enjoys observing male bodies. They read (emphasis added): “Melting?” (Aero); “Thirsty for more?” (Diet Coke); “There’s nothing like a six pack to put a smile on your face” (Diet Coke); “Tall, dark and tasty. He’s not bad either” (Diet Coke); “The only thing better than dressing is undressing. Let’s get zesty” (Kraft).

With its famous Diet Coke Break campaign produced in 2013 and featuring the Diet Coke Hunk character, Coca-Cola is one of the most prominent brands to promote the idea of the erotic male. This campaign (Posters 12–14) designed for a female (and gay male) audience lays a clear focus on the sexualised male body, both visually and verbally emphasising the idea of a trained, muscular body. Similar to the strategies discussed in Section 4.3, all posters from this campaign employ cut-outs or chopping techniques, which reinforce the sexualisation, objectification and de-individualisation of the male models featured in the images in question. Poster 12 shows a tanned, muscular model with a sharp jawline, defined arms, and a prominent Adam’s apple drinking Diet Coke on ice, while the slogan reads “Thirsty for more?”, which has a clear sexual undertone. Poster 14 likewise represents a cut-out depicting a trained male upper-body, while the tagline reads “There’s nothing like a six pack to put a smile on your face.” The tagline contains a pun: six pack refers both to a pack of six Coca-Cola cans and to the six-pack of the male model featured in the advertisement. Figure 6 depicts the torso of a male model as he pours a glass of Diet Coke, with a slogan that reads “Tall, dark and tasty,” which could be interpreted as an appealing description of the model. All three slogans refer to the beverage, but also implicitly reference the male model depicted in the images.

The Aeros poster (Poster 22) shows actor and model Jason Lewis, topless, with a seductive facial expression, while the tagline provocatively asks the audience if they are “Melting?” His sharp jawline—also seen in other posters (Poster 12)—implies a masculine sexuality. Finally, the Kraft posters (Posters 27, 28) feature a half-naked, athletic male model lying on a kitchen counter and pouring the advertised salad dressing into his salad or eating pasta in a sexual way. Both the half-naked, muscular, athletic body of the model and his pose reinforce the sexualised representation. Two taglines read (emphasis added) “The only thing better than dressing is undressing. Let’s get zesty” and “Once you go Italian, you’ll never go back. Let’s get zesty”; both of these are puns that blatantly connect food with lust, sex and sexuality.

4.5 Business and Seriousness

Next to the strategies of strength and male dominance, the strategy that promotes the manly behavioural patterns identified in the sample in question is business and seriousness, which primarily portrays male models as autonomous and successful men dressed in suits and occupying executive roles. The male models in these advertisements are depicted as elegant and classy; they are dressed in a neat, fashionable and sometimes even mysterious manner. This kind of representation was identified in the advertising of hedonic products, such as, for example, male perfume advertising (Islentyeva et al. 2023). In food and beverage advertising, this strategy seems to be less frequent; it was identified in five of the 35 posters analysed; however, it appears to be typical for hard liquor advertising.

This strategy commonly employs role models, such as actors, celebrities, and film or TV characters (Posters 6, 7, 10 and 35), who are typically depicted wearing a suit. The Nespresso advertisement (Poster 8) features the actor George Clooney dressed in a black suit and holding a cup of espresso, while the slogan reads “Pure pleasure is inside,” which also has a sexual undertone. Another example is the film character James Bond, who is featured in one of the Coca-Cola Zero posters (Poster 10) wearing a tuxedo and standing next to a Coca-Cola bottle. The black suit further emphasises his elegance and chic. The model’s facial features are hidden; the product is the centre of attention. The poster also plays with extreme contrasts between black and white. The slogan implies a certain lifestyle and aims to express exclusiveness: “Unlock the 007 in you.”

The same strategy was also identified in alcohol advertising, for instance in the Skyy vodka (Poster 5), and the advertisements for two whisky brands, Wild Turkey (Poster 7) and Haig Club (Poster 6), all of which feature male models in suits. Both whisky brands employ images of world-famous celebrities: an actor and a football player. Often famous athletes, especially football players, are installed for marketing purposes—even if the product in question has no connection to sports. The Haig Club advertisement (Poster 6) features the English football player David Beckham dressed in a stylish dark blue suit, cheering with a glass of whisky. The Wild Turkey poster (Figure 7) depicts the US actor Matthew McConaughey casually sitting on a chair in the middle of a golden field enjoying the sunset and his Wild Turkey whisky. The outdoor setting and pastel colours emphasise the product’s image, with a tagline that reads “Real bourbon. No apologies. It’ll find you.” It is interesting to once again note the use of the adjective real, which echoes the Coca-Cola slogan with its real taste and the general frequent references to real men in advertising discourse; for further analysis of this term both in advertising and in general US English, refer to Islentyeva et al. (2023).

Figure 7:

Advertisement “Wild Turkey” (© 2016, Campari Group).