Abstract
This paper addresses how the negative particle no interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with no, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for <no + event deverbal nominalization> is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank two anonymous reviewers, as well as Raquel González Rodríguez, for their valuable comments and precise observations, which have helped to improve this work. This research has been funded by a Formación de Profesorado Universitario grant (FPU19/04310) from the Spanish Ministry of Innovation and Science and the Spanish Ministry of Universities.
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Articles
- How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds
- Only states can be gradable
- A syntactic analysis of <no + event deverbal nominalization> in Spanish
- Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French
- Chinese topic constructions are derived by movement: evidence from acceptability judgment experiments
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Articles
- How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds
- Only states can be gradable
- A syntactic analysis of <no + event deverbal nominalization> in Spanish
- Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French
- Chinese topic constructions are derived by movement: evidence from acceptability judgment experiments