Information-structural restrictions on Ā-scrambling
-
Ad Neeleman
and
Hans van de Koot
Abstract
Ā-scrambling in Dutch gives rise to ungrammaticality if it places an element subordinate in information structure in a position where it c-commands a superordinate element, even though a base-generated configuration of this type is well-formed. We propose an account of this phenomenon based on two claims: (i) Ā-scrambling is a scope-marking movement and (ii) scope-extending movement creates a barrier for QR. The bulk of our evidence comes from interactions between topics and foci, but we also consider interactions between foci that are in a superordinate/subordinate relation from an information-structural perspective. Exploration of the focus data reveals a further constraint that affects foci accompanied by a focus-sensitive particle: their surface c-command relations must directly correspond to their information-structural position, even if no Ā-scrambling takes place. We argue that this is because QR cannot pied-pipe focus-sensitive particles, possibly because it involves feature movement.
©Walter de Gruyter
Articles in the same Issue
- Editors' introduction
- Computational efficiency in the syntax–phonology interface
- The relationship between meaning and intonation in non-exhaustive answers: Evidence from Basque
- Hierarchical prosodic structures in the intonation of center-embedded relative clauses
- Projective vs. interpretational properties of nuclear accents and the phonology of contrastive focus in Greek
- Anti-givenness, prosodic structure and “intervention effects”
- Information-structural restrictions on Ā-scrambling
Articles in the same Issue
- Editors' introduction
- Computational efficiency in the syntax–phonology interface
- The relationship between meaning and intonation in non-exhaustive answers: Evidence from Basque
- Hierarchical prosodic structures in the intonation of center-embedded relative clauses
- Projective vs. interpretational properties of nuclear accents and the phonology of contrastive focus in Greek
- Anti-givenness, prosodic structure and “intervention effects”
- Information-structural restrictions on Ā-scrambling
