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Four Ways We Know the Democratic Peace Correlation Does Not Exist in the State of Knowledge

  • Michael Mousseau EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: November 29, 2019

Abstract

Multiple studies have shown that when advanced-market “contract-intensive” economy is considered in a regression of fatal militarized interstate disputes, crises, or wars, the democratic peace correlation, the observed dearth of militarized conflict between democratic nations, becomes near zero and insignificant. Defenders of the existence of a correlation of democracy with peace claim these studies contain multiple errors. This article examines the state of evidence behind all claims in this debate. Four crucial facts are identified: (1) There is no report in print that shows democracy significant in a regression of fatal disputes controlling for contractualist economy that is unencumbered with controversial practices; (2) Every empirical defense of democracy has been rebutted, and the rebuttals remain uncontested; (3) There is no democratic peace in the nineteenth century, when there were no contractualist dyads but were democratic dyads; and (4) New analyses with revised direct data on contractualist economy covering 94% of observations over the largest-observed 1920–2010 period show that democracy without contractualist economy has a near-zero correlation with peace. Together, these facts inform us that there are no scientific grounds for deeming the democratic peace correlation as existing in the state of knowledge.

Acknowledgements

I thank Nils Petter Gleditsch, Haavard Hegre, Sean Lynn-Jones, and John A. Vasquez. All data are available at Harvard Dataverse doi.org/10.7910/DVN/YJD6CA.

Appendix

Table 4:

Assertions made in this controversy that are contrary to documented fact.

Asserted fact Documented fact
1 Economic norms theory is “about the pacifying impact of economic interdependence,” and is thus “not a new argument” (Ray, 2013: 199). Repeated by Ray and Dafoe (2018: 197). No supporting citation provided Anyone can read any article on economic norms theory and see that there is nothing about economic interdependence causing peace in this theory. This fact has been clarified repeatedly (Mousseau, 2009: 72–74, 2013: 194)
2 All “dyad-years with an ongoing conflict” were (incorrectly) set to 0 in Mousseau (2013) (Dafoe et al., 2013: 204). Repeated by Ray and Dafoe (2018: 199–200) Anyone can examine Mousseau’s Mousseau (2013) publicly-available data and see that dyad-years with an ongoing conflict were not set to 0. Ongoing years were retained as 0 only if no new MID began: if a new MID began, dyad-years with an ongoing conflict were (correctly) retained as 1 (Mousseau, 2018: 180)
3 Ray and Dafoe (2018: 194–195) assert that economic norms theory assumes, “that policymakers as well as interest groups and the general public will consistently and accurately perceive varying degrees of contract intensity” across nations. This is a “fundamental problem,” they say, because it is “hard to believe” (194); and because it means that the theory cannot be subject to experimental testing (201) Anyone can read any article on economic norms theory and see that there is nothing in this theory about any actor perceiving “varying degrees of contract intensity” across nations. Peace happens from predicted interests among nations, without perceptions of any kind (Mousseau, 2009: 63, 71, 75, 83, 2013: 189). Ray and Dafoe (2018) provide no supporting citation for their assertion that interstate perceptions play a role in economic norms theory
4 Ray and Dafoe (2018: 195–196) assert that economic norms theory does not predict democracy, and that Mousseau “acknowledges that contractualism does not lead to democratic transitions.” Economic norms theory explicitly predicts democracy from contractualist economy (Mousseau, 2009: 63, 70–71, 2013: 186–188). Ray and Dafoe (2018) provide no supporting citation for their contrary assertion
5 Ray and Dafoe (2018: 195–196) assert that Mousseau has “endorsed” the view “that democratic political institutions make contract-intensive economies more likely to emerge” Ray and Dafoe’s assertion is contrary to the very core of economic norms theory, which treats the origins of contractualist economy exogenously (Mousseau, 2009: 59, 2013: 187). Ray and Dafoe (2018) provide no supporting citation for their opposing assertion
6 Ray and Dafoe (2018: 199) assert that Mousseau (2009) (incorrectly) included joiners of ongoing MIDs as events in the dependent variable Anyone can examine Mousseau’s Mousseau (2009) publicly-available data and see that he did not include joiners of ongoing MIDs as events of the dependent variable
Table 5:

Summary statistics and correlations with contractualist economy, 1921–2010.

Variable Obs. Mean Std. Min Max Correlation with both contractualist
Both contractualista 456,329 0.03 0.17 0.00 1.00 1.00
Both contractualist or axialb 536,962 0.06 0.24 0.00 1.00 1.00
Democracyc 575,928 −3.62 6.11 −10.00 10.00 0.40
Capability ratiod 575,928 2.02 1.52 0.00 9.87 −0.02
Major powere 575,928 0.09 0.29 0.00 1.00 0.14
Contiguityf 575,928 0.03 0.18 0.00 1.00 0.06
Distancef 575,928 8.21 0.80 1.61 9.42 −0.10
System sizeg 575,928 −1.77 0.49 −2.13 0.00 0.02
  1. aSee Table 1 for list of contractualist nations. Axial periods treated as missing.

  2. bSee Table 1 for list of axial nations. Includes mixed with one state contractualist and one state axial.

  3. cPolity2 variable, lower of both states, Polity IV data, v. 2013 (Marshall et al., 2012).

  4. dCorrelates of War National Materials Capability index, higher/lower, logged (Singer, Bremer, & Stuckey, 1972).

  5. eAt least one state is identified by the Correlates of War as a major power: Great Britain, France, Russia/USSR; and various years for China, Germany, Italy, and Japan (Small & Singer, 1982).

  6. fContiguity 150 miles or less of open water. Inter-capital distance logged (Stinnett, Tir, Diehl, Schafer, & Gochman, 2002).

  7. g(Hegre, 2008).

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Published Online: 2019-11-29

© 2019 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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