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Animacy effects on crossing wh-movement in German
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Gisbert Fanselow
,
Matthias Schlesewsky
Published/Copyright:
June 19, 2011
Abstract
This article presents several acceptability rating experiments concerned with crossing wh-movement in German multiple questions. Our results show that there is no general superiority effect in German, thus refuting claims to the contrary by Featherston (Linguistics 43: 667–711, 2005). However, acceptability is reduced when a wh-phrase crosses a wh-subject with which it agrees in animacy. We explain this finding in terms of the availability of different sorting keys for the answers to the multiple questions.
Received: 2007-10-18
Revised: 2009-09-03
Published Online: 2011-06-19
Published in Print: 2011-July
© 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/Boston
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- Subject-indexing and possessive morphology in Northwest Solomonic
- Morphologically conditioned stress assignment in Choguita Rarámuri
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Articles in the same Issue
- Animacy effects on crossing wh-movement in German
- Subject-indexing and possessive morphology in Northwest Solomonic
- Morphologically conditioned stress assignment in Choguita Rarámuri
- Completeness and limitation of natural languages
- Cross-categorial spatial case in the Finnic nonfinite system: Focus on the absentive TAM semantics and pragmatics of the Estonian inessive m-formative nonfinites
