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Property Rights, Law, and Economic Development

  • Guangdong Xu EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: July 19, 2013

Abstract

This article explores the relationship between property rights and economic performance. Property rights, or more precisely, formal, individualized property rights, have long been regarded as the fundamental precondition for sustainable economic growth. However, the available empirical evidence shows that formal private ownership fails to bring about desirable economic outcomes in most developing countries despite the advantages claimed by numerous economists and lawyers. This puzzle can be addressed by taking into consideration such factors as the functioning of related markets, the influence of social norms, and the role of the state.

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    See, for instance, Svetozar Pejovich, The Economics of Property Rights: Towards a Theory of Comparative Systems (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1990); Janos Kornai, The Socialist System: The Political Economy of Communism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).

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    Common property rights may be viewed as an intermediate step between open access and private ownership, emerging as an institutional solution when a resource is sufficiently valuable to justify the cost of organizing a user group, but not the cost of defining and enforcing private property rights. A fundamental problem for community members is the task of designing an effective internal governance structure to prevent excessive use and to ensure continued maintenance and improvement.

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    See, for instance, Stergios Skaperdas, Cooperation, Conflict, and Power in the Absence of Property Rights, 82 American Economic Review (1992), 720–739; Herschel Grossman and Minseong Kim, Swords or Plowshares? A Theory of the Security of Claims to Property, 103 Journal of Political Economy (1995), 1275–1288.

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  30. 30

    Terry L. Anderson and Dean Lueck, Land Tenure and Agriculture Productivity on Indian Reservations, 35 Journal of Law and Economics (1992), 427–454.

  31. 31

    Tribunal-trust land is managed by the tribe subject to trust constraints administered by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Under fee simple, the land is privately owned by individuals who are free to use, lease, and sell it. Under individual trust, the land is held by individual Indians, but their rights are subject to trust constraints administered by the BIA.

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    R. Quentin Grafton, Dale Squires, and Kevin J. Fox, Private Property and Economic Efficiency: A Study of a Common-Pool Resource, 43 Journal of Law and Economics (2000), 679–713.

  33. 33

    See, for instance, Ramón López, Environmental Externalities in Traditional Agriculture and the Impact of Trade Liberalization: The Case of Ghana, 53 Journal of Development Economics (1997), 17–39; Vinod Ahuja, Land Degradation, Agricultural Productivity and Common Property: Evidence from Côte d’Ivoire, 3 Environment and Development Economics (1998), 7–34.

  34. 34

    See, for instance, Elinor Ostrom, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Jean-Marie Baland and Jean-Philippe Platteau, Halting Degradation of Natural Resources: Is There a Role for Rural Communities (Oxford: FAO and Clarendon Press, 1996).

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    N.S. Jodha, Common Property Resources: A Missing Dimension of Development Strategies, World Bank Discussion Paper, No. 169 (1992).

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    Arthur De Vany and Nicolas Sanchez, Land Tenure Structures and Fertility in Mexico, 61 Review of Economics and Statistics (1979), 67–72.

  37. 37

    An ejidatario is a member of an ejido, an agrarian community that has received and continues to hold land in accordance with the agrarian law established after the Mexican Revolution. In a typical ejido, all rights to crop lands are granted to individual families on a usufruct basis. The land cannot be sold, leased, mortgaged, or disposed of in any similar fashion. Rights to these lands may be passed on to heirs, but they may also be lost if the land is not under cultivation for two consecutive years.

  38. 38

    Shannon Stokes, Wayne A. Schutjer, and Rodolfo A. Bulatao, Is the Relationship between Landholding and Fertility Spurious? A Response to Cain, 40 Population Studies (1986), 305–311.

  39. 39

    Erica Field, Entitled to Work: Urban Property Rights and Labor Supply in Peru, 122 Quarterly Journal of Economics (2007), 1561–1602.

  40. 40

    Sebastian Galiani and Ernesto Schargrodsky, Property Rights for the Poor: Effects of Land Titling, Working Paper (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, 2006).

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    Quy-Toan Do and Lakshmi Iyer, Land Rights and Economic Development: Evidence from Vietnam, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 3120 (2003).

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    Thomas Schweigert, Land Title, Tenure Security, Investment and Farm Output: Evidence from Guatemala, 40 Journal of Developing Areas (2006), 115–126; Klaus Deininger and Juan Sebastian Chamorro, Investment and Equity Effects of Land Regularisation: The Case of Nicaragua, 30 Agricultural Economics (2004), 101–116.

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    Frank Place and Keijiro Otsuka, Land Tenure Systems and Their Impacts on Agricultural Investments and Productivity in Uganda, 38 Journal Development Studies (2002), 105–128; John L. Pender, Ephraim Nkonya, Pamela Jagger, Dick Sserunkuuma, and Henry Ssali, Strategies to Increase Agricultural Productivity and Reduce Land Degradation: Evidence from Uganda, 31 Agricultural Economics (2004), 181–195.

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Published Online: 2013-07-19

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