Humorous memes on Nigeria’s economic downturn as “Èmi ló kàn’s,” what they will eat? cassava, eee! agbado, eee! corn and … manifests

1.1 Meme

Meme comes from the Greek word mimeme, meaning an imitation of something (Shifman 2014). Though memes may be satirical, their critique, advertising, and communicative functions are well-acknowledged in the literature (Auwal 2018; Viriya and Pitchanut 2014). In 1976, Dawkins proposed the term meme to mean a disseminated cultural unit with a propensity to infect people’s minds by duplication, replication, and imitation. Memes were initially conceptualized as analogous to the biological concept of genes for their self-replicating, person-to-person distribution, and communicating quality. More recently, memes have been defined as ‘units of information, ideas or mental representations, and cultural instructions that are not only self-replicating but also contagious (Taecharungroj and Nueangjamnong 2014, p. 152).

Memes are commonly employed for the propagation or spread of digital and online content, such as jokes, images, rumors, and videos, on websites from person to others via the internet. Generally, memes easily become viral, and this is made possible by social media outlets such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, YouTube, etc. (Sci and Dare 2014).

The tendency for memes to change in terms of function is very high. Wiggins (2019) acknowledges that due to human interaction, memes have continued to change and have become useful tools, and new forms of language have been created and acculturated to suit communication. Okesola and Oyebode (2022), while examining memes during the EndSars protest, aver that meme producers, through the use of multimodal concepts such as symbolic, analytical, action, reactional processes, offer, and salience, among others, project various expressions of affect, judgment, and appreciation of things to create important narratives in the memes. This view is also corroborated by Fomin (2019), who opines that “key ideological stances of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation” are deployed by reinforcing social semiotic resources such as the meta-functions: facial and body gestures/expressions and bright colors which make up modes in memes. On the humor-making quality of memes, Raheem (2018) observes that apart from being a relief mechanism, humorous memes (henceforth, HMs) also serve as a subtle way to protest by raising citizens’ socio-political consciousness.

Burgess and Green (2009) acknowledge that user-generated memes can encapsulate complex political messages in a digestible format, making them effective for critique, but their ability as a critique mechanism in a recession is not addressed. On the importance of memes, Adeyoola and Ayo-Obiremi (2021) opine that during critical events, they come in handy. They recommend that the Nigerian government pay attention to youths’ messages concealed in memes. In the political sphere, memes are said to be utilized during elections with their ability to enhance political engagement among audiences, particularly younger demographics who are more likely to consume online content. Such studies conclude that candidates who embrace humor in their messaging engage younger voters more effectively than those who rely solely on traditional campaign strategies (Al-Rawi 2021). In the Nigerian context, the importance of memes on the outcome(s) of COVID-19 on the economy, spirituality, and health concerns is acknowledged (Ajayi and Akinrinola 2021; Aliu and Celestina 2023).

Though a few studies have explored how HMs function as instruments for holding leaders accountable and critiquing their decisions, the Nigeria situation, as regards leadership role in the economic downturn, seems to elude these studies or has not been critically examined. This is probably because the Nigerian economy, which is the focus of this study, has never degenerated to its present state in its 64 years of independence to warrant ensembles of discourses thematically created with recession as the focus. There exists a gap in identifying and analyzing the memes thematically categorized as indices of recession in the Nigerian. This is the crux which this study seeks to elucidate. The challenge, therefore, is to identify how select memes effectively raise awareness and engage the audience on complexities and pressing issues in Nigeria’s economic downturn while ensuring that the humor in them is appropriate and does not trivialize the difficulties faced by individuals and communities impacted by the crisis.

1.2 Humor

Verschueren (2017, p. 313) defines humor as a “comical or amusing text or performance.” It is the ability to amuse people by stating the unexpected, taboos, or the unspeakable or by attacking a target (Ross 1998). It has the potential to bring amusement, laughter, or joy to people. It involves the recognition and appreciation of what is funny, amusing, or entertaining. Humor may be created using literary devices such as irony, metaphor, wit, incongruity, exaggeration, absurdity, etc. It can take many forms, such as jokes, slapstick comedy, sarcasm, puns, etc. Highlighting the importance of humor, Baumgartner and Morris (2008) aver that it can serve as a double-edged sword, making candidates seem more approachable and undermining their credibility if the humor is perceived as mocking or derogatory. Humor is a vital component of human interaction and has attracted the attention of researchers elucidating discourse (Attardo et al. 2011, 2013; Kyratzis 2003; Long and Graesser 1988). From the perspective of conversation, Attardo et al. (2011, 2013), describe humor support as conversational strategies used to acknowledge and support humorous utterances.

Though very little is found in the application of the interpersonal theory of multimodality and UGT on humor, a few highlight the importance of multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) on HM and assert that all discourses are inherently multimodal, with linguistic and non-linguistic features jointly contributing to elucidation (Baldry and Thibault 2006; O’Halloran 2004; Oyemade and Adeagbo 2020; Querol-Julián 2011; Querol-Julián and Fortanet 2012). Ross (1998) opines that HMs have become a subtle way to express ideologies at difficult times. Its propensity to serve as an index for disparaging fellow netizens is acknowledged by Adegoju and Oyebade (2015). For propaganda against opposing ethno-religious groups, for secessionist agitations, and against opposing political parties (see Auwal 2018; Chiluwa 2012; Kamalu and Atoma 2019).

In the Nigerian context examined in this study, humor is created through memes to express the nonchalant attitudes, experiences, ineptitude, and draconian policies of targets that are exact representations in the memes. Often deductive, they require their users to interpret the humor expressed in them by combining the meanings of their component modes. Such HMs shall constitute the dataset for our analyses isolated for elucidating the current Nigerian economic downturn.

1.3 User-generated humorous memes and economic downturn in Nigeria

An economic downturn or recession is a significant decline in economic activity and spending across society. Recessions can last for several months or longer, with recovery often taking a year or more. Recession may be triggered by various events, including natural disasters and financial crises. In Nigeria, the current situation is linked to a lack of political will and the recent removal of fuel subsidies by the president.

User-generated memes (UGM) are a form of digital content typified by images, skits, or videos and created by individuals for humor or insightful text. UGMs often reflect current events and cultural trends and are shared across social media platforms. They have the propensity to go viral and can engage audiences through relatable humor and creativity, allowing users to express opinions, critique societal norms, or simply entertain. Raheem (2018) observes that HMs, which are user-generated, do not only relieve tension but also subtly raise socio-political and socio-economic awareness.

The economic crisis purported to be caused by Èmi ló kàn has fostered the creation and spread of memes and social commentary that correspond with a fascinating interplay of creativity, social commentary on frustration, and coping mechanisms. There have been prevalent cases of fluctuating fuel prices, inconsistent electricity supply, and high unemployment rates snowballing into the high cost of living, with Nigerians turning attention to humor as a means of expression and resilience. The ability to create memes that reflect societal frustrations, therefore, allows Nigerians to process their experiences in a light-hearted manner. Thus, gaffes made by PBAT and other pertinent socio-economic issues have led Nigerians to quickly transform these events into humorous memes that provide an outlet for expressing their collective frustrations. The rapid creation of memes following political missteps – such as the recent incident involving former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s slip-up referring to PBAT as “T-Pain” – illustrates how humor can highlight absurdities within the political landscape.

User-generated memes have led to prudence and economic opportunities for many Nigerians. Small business owners capitalize on viral moments by producing merchandise inspired by trending memes, ranging from T-shirts to mugs that feature popular phrases or images from social media. This entrepreneurial spirit reflects an innovative approach to generating income amidst economic struggles, demonstrating how humor can translate into tangible financial benefits. Despite these, many believe that Nigeria’s recession is in fulfillment of Èmi ló kàn’s; what will they eat?… mantra. They note that even the agbado ‘corn’ that was promised by PBAT is so expensive and beyond the reach of the common man, as evidenced in Figure 2, a response to the video screenshot of a protest over hunger in Nigeria at Ojota, Lagos, represented in Figure 1 (Vanguard Newspaper, August 1st, 2024).

Figure 1:

Ebi o, Hunger protest.

The situation is appropriately captioned, protest in Nigeria: ebi o, ebi o’ (Hunger o, Hunger o)…, portraying the sorry state that Nigerians are in. Hunger is made evident by the image in the screenshot showing a crowded environment with some women carrying empty black pots, symbolizing dirt (rut), poverty, and frustration in society. A good number of the younger demographics can be seen taking snapshots and pictures. Undoubtedly, this video is a microcosm of the Nigerian situation where the hew and cry ebi o, ebi o ‘hunger o, hunger o’ is apparent. Both text and video/image jointly connote widespread frustration and hardship. Figure 2 is in response to the video on a WhatsApp platform. The text is in Nigeria Pidgin (henceforth, NP), woman carry pot join protest for Ojota… Ebi pawa. A sad emoticon accompanies it, enhancing the message of privation expressed in the chant in Figure 1. This foregrounds the worthlessness and mockery in PBAT’s purported proactive measure of providing agbado ‘corn’ in difficult times. Though this video specifically raises awareness of complex policy issues, the government trivializes it by purportedly arranging for supporters to protest in favor of the government.

Figure 2:

The pots are empty and dirty.

There is also the belief that the PBAT-led government lacks the administrative acumen for sound economic policies and strategies needed to assuage the current economic crisis. The Opinion news of October 15, 2024, for instance, reports Senator Ali Ndume of Bomo South Senatorial District as alluding to the bad elements in the presidency who never wish Nigeria or its people well. He suggests that the vipers at the corridors of power have held Tinubu captive. If this is coming from PBAT’s frenemy, then PBAT is also a culprit, as claimed, because he is incapable of discerning how to flush out the bad elements from his administration. Others associate their experiences with PBAT’s ‘usual’ draconian tax-based economic policies. They believe that the idea of floating the naira and the complete removal of subsidy was in response to the directives of the Bretton Woods institutions, which his predecessors have continuously avoided.

Also, as governor of Lagos State from 1999 to 2007, P.M. news reports that PBAT imposed taxes on the people of Lagos State to the extent that a member of the State House of Assembly named Hon. Babasola Senbanjo, opposed the introduction of new taxes then. Though not verified, comments on social media platforms following the removal of fuel subsidy indicate that this decision stemmed from the influence of foreign organizations such as the IMF and the World Bank and his inherently harsh nature about taxation. Responses like that of Figure 3 are prevalent in social media discourses regarding fuel subsidy and the contribution of Bretton Woods institutions to the economic challenges experienced in Nigeria and Africa in general.

Figure 3:

Africa is under siege.

Figure 3 responds to a video reporting the impact of the IMF on the economies of Africa. The respondent buttresses the fact that the Bretton Wood institutions oversee what goes on in Africa, noting that the US, China, and the UK have tactfully taken control of the World Bank, IMF, Africa, and its natural resources. Meme creators and respondents believe that if Nigeria and, indeed, Africa can live within their means rather than accepting loans, then this servitude can be overcome.

2.1 Multimodality

Evidenced as the first to deploy the terminologies, multimodal discourse, and multimodality, Kress and van Leeuwen (2001) see multimodality as an analytical tool that considers the interplay between different representational modes within a linguistic text for meaning-making. Van Leeuwen (2015: 447) asserts that it refers to the discourse, which requires that more characteristics of communication apart from basic spoken discourse tokens such as voice, gestures, facial expressions, or aspects of self-presentation be incorporated in the analysis of memes. This view is also corroborated by Jewitt and Jones (2008) and Norris (2008).

Multimodality is commonly used in fields such as education, advertising, and digital media to create more dynamic and interactive experiences for viewers. Constantinou (2005) and Jewitt et al. (2016) posit that multimodality is a social semiotics and communication theory that helps in the description of texts based on several perspectives rather than the basic written or spoken modes of language, noting that it applies to everything from isolated text to static/motion, opaque, spatial images, proxemics, gestures, etc. This implies that the meaning of a meme cannot be obtained from isolated meanings of specific modes taken separately but only from their combined meanings that yield implications. Multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) is, thus, an approach that examines how meaning is constructed and conveyed through multiple modes of communication beyond just spoken or written language. Since multimodality can integrate multiple modes of communication within a single medium to convey meaning, MDA will serve as one of the theoretical lenses for elucidating the memes in this study.

2.2 The interpersonal theory of multimodality (ITM)

ITM, Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) refer to a perspective within the realm of multimodality that focuses on the interaction between participants in a social communication act. ITM emphasizes the importance of considering the reactions of interactants with others in a discourse. Among other factors, ITM functions as a key dimension in understanding and addressing how people react to issues that affect them mentally, psychologically, or physically. As a framework that examines how different modes of communication convey meaning, it emphasizes the social context in which communication occurs and how various modalities can influence interpersonal relationships and understanding. This theory has been applied significantly to impact fields such as linguistics, communication studies, education, health, and media studies (Gee 2014; Kress and van Leeuwen 2006). ITM will be applied to analyze how messages encompassed in the memes relating to Nigeria’s recession are communicated and the responses that emanate from their distribution. This will not only allow for result-oriented strategies but also address individual experiences while considering the impact of interpersonal relationships on the well-being of participants.

2.3 Uses and gratification theory (UGT)

UGT first emerged in the early 1970s with the work of Blumler and Katz (1974), with the notion that media users play an active role in choosing and using media. Katz et al. (1973) elaborate that media users are not passive recipients of information but active participants who make conscious choices about their media consumption and presence. A major tenet of UGT is its emphasis on the motivation behind media consumption rather than the effects of the media itself. In the context of memes, especially during a recession such as the Nigerian situation, it is essential to identify what gratifications users derive from engaging with them and the motivations for such engagement.

UGT has variously been applied in the analysis of discourses. Grace et al. (2022), for instance, are vociferous about how individuals actively seek out specific types of media based on their motivations, viz, information seeking, social interaction, entertainment, etc., thereby emphasizing the impact of their choices on psychological well-being. Bossen and Kottasz (2020), while examining pre-adolescent and adolescent TikTok consumers, provide valuable insights on psychological drivers and emphasize the importance of understanding motivations in light of potential risks associated with the use of social media. The main goal of UGT is to establish a relationship between humor and tension resulting from fear and how people can turn their fears into laughter. Since the focus of this study is to isolate, analyze, and thematize the memes selected, UGT, which focuses on why and how media users satisfy their needs, is relevant.

5.1 Humor in a charade

The memes in this subsection are thematically classified as humor in a charade, indicating that there were certain promises made blatantly denied at the critical time of recession. As is common with politicians, several promises were made by PBAT before the presidential elections, among which were the promise to consult and dialogue with Nigerians to ensure unity and figure out poverty by focusing on improving the living standards of all Nigerians. This beacon of hope, strengthened by his purported leadership qualities as ex-governor of Lagos State, was suddenly dashed by the removal of oil subsidy with his four-morpheme structure, fuel subsidy is gone. This has led to a hike in the price of goods and services. PBAT’s lack of political will to deliver on his promises and lack of integrity is greeted with Figure 4, which connotes charade, deception, teasing, and lack of integrity.

Figure 4:

It is my turn, is not a promise.

Figure 4 is composed of two semiotic resources, a textual composed of two simple sentences, and an image of PBAT. The background is ironically white, signifying perfection, but contradicts the denial clauses,

While in T1, PBAT denies his promise, in T2, the Yoruba phrase for èmi ló kàn is translated to NP, mimicking PBAT’s exact words at Abeokuta on June 3, 2022, during a gathering of APC activists. By employing T2, the creator exposes PBAT’s dismissal of his notion that anyone else has an inherent right to power based on rotation, electoral guidelines, or entitlement and instead asserts his ambition to pursue the leadership role regardless of any established norms or expectations in Nigeria. Policy issues such as these are critical and should not be expected from a presidential candidate. Mockery is evident from the flirtatious emoji after the translated PBAT’s speech. Humor is evident from the creator’s reaction to T2 with a joke or flirtation emoji that indicates teasing and an image mode of PBAT pretending to wipe his tears. While the image indicates empathy, it contradicts the emoji and, in a sense, mocks the set of persons who believed and voted for PBAT because of the promises he made. Motivated by the need to express the charade and lack of integrity by PBAT, the text, image, and background jointly interact with humor made obvious with flirtatious emojis. This juxtaposition of T! with T2 helps to alleviate stress and foster a sense of community among those who share similar grievances on the meaning of the distinct modes and the ensemble.

5.2 Humor in privation

The meme in this sub-section connotes privation with the meaning of the ensemble implicitly deception and created for humor, criticism, and collective bonding. Privation refers to a state of lack of necessities like food, water, light, etc., while deception is a scheme concocted and used to achieve a goal. The meme below is incongruous, satiric, and hilarious, with contradictions discernible from the interactions of its component resources.

Three modes are encompassed in Figure 5: an image of PBAT wearing a bishop’s attire on a mustard yellow background and a text composed of three sentences on a green background. Both the mustard yellow and green colors symbolize comfort and optimism, growth, peace, and security. Like the colors, PBAT’s gesture connotes peace and solemnity, but this is in sharp contrast with the text;

Figure 5:

Peace in hunger and hardship.

Its creation is motivated by the events leading to the 2023 presidential elections when it was rumored that PBAT had hired fake bishops to unveil Kashim Shettima as APC’s Vice-presidential candidate and running mate. The creator here expresses his own beliefs or aligns with social groups that share critical views on PBAT’s leadership style. The humor derived from seeing a prominent figure like PBAT dressed in bishop’s attire is fulfilling for an audience that needs amusement amidst serious economic challenges. The meme is satiric, with the image and background colors indicating stability and peace.

The creator and sharers are in sync to castigate, satirize, and expose PBAT, who seem not to be perturbed by current realities, Elofokanbale, a Yoruba phrase that translates as go and put your mind at rest. Though spiritually, a Bishop is a revered, peace-loving, and philanthropic individual, as captured in T1, the religious iconography represented with PBAT in the bishop’s attire contradicts the phrase in T2. The modes together do not only provoke laughter and function as a coping mechanism but evoke collective empathy and anger for viewers who together experience the stated conditions that reflect societal frustrations on PBAT’s administration, perceived as out of touch with reality.

5.3 Humor in inflation

The memes in this section express public perception about inflation a continuous increase in the price of goods and services in the Nigerian economy. Figure 6 is motivated by the need to entertain, shift attention, and express social status, especially for younger demographics, by sharing humor about luxury items that are out of reach for the common man and can be avoided.

Figure 6:

Healthy lifestyle as pretence.

Figure 6 is composed of three modes: two images, two colors (white and black), and text made up of three sentences. It features an expensive Nestlé brand Milo beverage juxtaposed with humorous text from a distressed character, enhancing the message about economic hardship. The cans are green, with a picture of a lady playing lawn tennis on the can to the left, indicating the high nutritional value of the bz can, a far cry from its cost in the past. Three texts, namely:

Which jointly provoke humor akin to that of Nigerians who struggle to overcome the hardship caused by the high cost of goods. The text and image combine to create a cohesive commentary on the high cost of beverages amid recessionary pressures. While in T1, the creator compares the beverage to Lipton with the pretence of loving it better than other drinks, in T2, he feigns his doctor’s warning not to take sugars as a good reason for avoiding it. Four (4) hilarious emojis indicate that T2 is a teasing comment. T3 frames the images as humor, suggesting that one should not waste much time on expensive items. Hence, three walkout emojis follow it.

Leveraging readers’ collective knowledge of the availability of cheaper tea-based drinks, the creator suggests by sharing with co-consumers, especially younger demographics, that there is a need to shift attention to more affordable brands since the government in power has undermined the suffering of citizens. No effort is made by the government to control the escalating prices of goods and services. For this group, therefore, the comparison and reasons given by the creator are humorous, having jettisoned the health benefits and luxury by tactfully teasing for amusement (T2). Figure 7 is in response to Figure 6. Consider the meme Figure 7.

Figure 7:

Agbo as an alternative beverage.

Figure 7 is an interaction between two WhatsApp group members about Figure 6. The two comments reflect a response to the high cost of goods, particularly in the context of beverages, by utilizing the NP in the text that engages others who might appreciate practical tips with cultural references that provide insight into the social dynamics of collective benefits from the interplay between hardship and humor. By sharing advice, they contribute to a collective knowledge base that helps others navigate similar challenges. Consider the comments below.

T1 seeks validation for their choice by engaging with others who might share similar sentiments regarding economic challenges. By expressing this preference publicly, the commenter fulfills the need for community support and shared values in times of financial strain. He suggests a preference for agbo, a traditional herbal drink, over Milo. The phrase, All Na brown, implies that both drinks share a similar appearance but carry an undertone of dismissiveness towards Milo, possibly indicating that the commenter views it as less valuable or desirable in light of the current rise in the price of Milo. The reference to agbo is also culturally significant and similar to Milo in that its use is often associated with health benefits in Nigeria and many African cultures. T1, therefore, highlights how traditional practices can be favored over commercial products when economic pressures arise.

Of particular importance is the informal tone picked by the n forget the phrase, which reflects a casual conversational style typical in social media interactions, suggestive of familiarity and solidarity among interactants who have similar feelings about rising prices and the need to revert to traditional alternatives (agbo). T2 suggests adding sugar to enhance the taste of agbo, reflecting an adaptive strategy in response to economic conditions where individuals modify their consumption habits to maintain enjoyment despite limited resources. This suggestion improves flavor without incurring additional costs associated with purchasing the more expensive product, Milo. Furthermore, in line with ITM, T2 fosters interaction by inviting others to consider modifications that can enhance their experiences in hard times. These comments enrich understanding by considering various elements like language, culture, social interaction, and relationships formed through these exchanges, motivated by the need to seek connection and practical solutions amidst a hike in the cost of goods.

5.4 Humor in managing inflation and being creative

This sub-section examines HMs or skits that depict the need to be creative in the face of inflation in Nigeria. The combined modes in the memes show creations meant to assuage frustrations and thus serve not only for humor and mediums of instruction but also to explore cheaper alternatives with equivalent results, believing in the proverbial saying, cut your coat according to your cloth (Figure 8).

Figure 8:

Resourcefulness, not absurdity.

By employing NP, I no fit laff alone, the skit is motivated by the need to entertain. Thus providing viewers who desire to be light-hearted amidst the serious economic crises a platform for entertainment. This helps to create a conducive atmosphere for social interaction as viewers discuss common experiences related to economic hardship caused by inflation.

The juxtaposition of traditional clothing (dresses) with an unconventional material (cement bags) creates a striking contrast that captures attention with themes of scarcity and resourcefulness during the tough economic crisis in Nigeria. The background is an earthen road. A wheelbarrow containing items that cannot readily be deciphered and some individuals can be seen behind the couple, indicating the cultural realities found among hawkers. The text mode is composed of two sentences,

While T1 highlights the absurdity of wasting a valuable resource (the cement bag) when it is more practical to repurpose it creatively, T2 suggests a shared experience or collective struggle during tough economic times, inviting viewers to empathize with the situation. By choosing an unconventional material such as cement bags for clothing, the creator tends to interrogate the societal norms and values regarding fashion and consumption during recessionary periods. Undoubtedly, the humorous tone in the text and the audio accompanying it foster a sense of community among viewers who may relate to similar economic struggles. This creates an interpersonal connection among those who share similar experiences. Wearing dresses made from cement bags is also an expression of identity that rejects consumerism while embracing creativity. Succinctly, the unconventional use of cement bags prompts viewers to think critically about consumerism, sustainability, and creativity during difficult times. The image evokes emotions related to resilience and humor in adversity, allowing viewers to connect emotionally with the content, just as Figure 9 relates.

Figure 9:

Humour in price hike.

The motivation for this meme could be diverse, ranging from the dissemination of information, expressing solidarity or frustration about rising costs, for entertainment despite its serious undertones, and as a psychological buffer against stress, thus serving as a coping mechanism for users.

To establish cultural relevance, the creator employs the NP in the straightforward text that has a red color background symbolizing danger and urgency. This helps to amplify the seriousness of the message regarding economic recession. Though not explicitly stated, it can be inferred that cutlass evokes a visual image that conveys aggression or survival instinct in dire circumstances, which in this case is the high cost of gas, a common experience among Nigerians facing fuel scarcity and high costs of gas and other consumables.

In line with ITM, the informal tone (NP) employed creates an in-group feeling among those who understand the struggles depicted and invites them to engage with the content individually. The phrase, nor run o, acknowledges shared fears and experiences of potential reactors within Nigeria who are affected by economic challenges. The humor embedded in the threat (passing someone with a cutlass) serves as a coping mechanism for dealing with stress caused by inflation and scarcity, thereby fostering communal resilience through laughter. Generally, Figure 9 effectively utilizes textual content combined with color symbolism to communicate urgent social commentary on Nigeria’s economic situation.

5.5 Humor in naming

A name is a word or group of words by which a person is referred, addressed, called, or known. It is important to name a child at birth. However, observation reveals that even at an older age, after marriage, names are given and accepted by individuals. Spouses name their best halves based on meanings that indicate how they feel. Hence, names such as Love, Sweetness, Darling, babe, etc., are rampant. The meme under this category expresses the need to change such names in consonance with the current value of the items mentioned in the text.

Figure 10 may be primarily for entertainment purposes. The humorous take on relationship dynamics resonates with many who experience similar situations in their lives. Sharing memes like this fosters social interaction among peers who relate to its content. It serves as an icebreaker or conversation starter about relationships and finances. Beyond entertainment, a deeper understanding of societal issues, such as economic pressures within marriages or shifting cultural norms regarding affection and responsibility, is expressed.

Figure 10:

Naming corresponding with high costs.

The meme is composed of text on an ambient light background and humorously critiques the use of affectionate terms like honey or sugar for a spouse. It suggests instead that one should refer to their partner using more practical and financially oriented terms such as fuel, cement, house rent, and school fees. The addition of a laugh emoticon implies that this suggestion is made in jest, highlighting the absurdity of equating love with financial obligations. The text juxtaposes traditional affectionate terms with mundane financial responsibilities. This contrast creates a comedic effect by subverting expectations about how partners should address each other. The ensemble of the semantics of the sentences helps to effectively communicate the message of financial obligation in the expression of love while engaging viewers on multiple levels. Typically, Figure 10 reflects societal norms regarding communication in romantic relationships (marriage). By suggesting alternative names based on financial contributions rather than affection, it comments on how economic factors often influence personal relationships. The suggested names, fuel and cement, may serve as a microcosm for role dynamics. In this case, within a household, one partner may be seen primarily as a provider or caretaker (fuel and cement) rather than an equal partner in affection. This meme invites viewers to reflect on their relationship dynamics while providing a shared laugh about common marital frustrations.

5.6 Humor in vices

Vices refer to immoral or wicked behavior, habits, or characteristics perpetrated in society. They are actions that are considered morally wrong or harmful to oneself and others. Vices can manifest in various forms, such as drug abuse, stealing, scamming, etc. (Abdulhafis and Habibat 2022; Offor and Arivi 2024), while examining why students engage in vices and the effects of social vices on children, respectively, assert that they engage in social vices because they want to live above their family level. Recently, Nigerian youths have been seen to partake in heinous crimes traceable to the current economic downturn. The screenshot analyzed in this sub-section connotes vices such as deceit and scamming. For ease of understanding, the audio of the video is transcribed with each audio labeled A with the number associated with it (Figure 11).

Figure 11:

Disability as survival tactics.

The beggar’s attire (agbada and cap), in addition to his expression, evokes skepticism and sympathy from viewers when the lonely environment and the weather conditions (sunny) are considered. The setting seems to be a government reservation area, thus framing the narrative of beggar-wealthy interaction. The gesticulations and incoherent tone of the beggar are appealing and sincere, connoting hunger. His remorseful act when his trick is discovered also evokes empathy. The poster says,

This reinforces the tone of the beggar in the audio/video, and the gestures employed help to express his needs. The combined modes, namely, the text, gesture, audio, and visual elements, contribute to expressing the overall message of hunger.

A2 leaves the car owner perplexed to find out that the beggar could speak. The act of confessing serves as a medium for interpersonal communication between the beggar, car owner, producer of the video, and viewers. The feeling of compassion shifts to that of surprise when the beggar erroneously speaks (A6 and A8). In owning up to his trick, the beggar’s act is an attempt to engage viewers and, of course, the car owner on a personal level of interaction. On discovering that the beggar is not what he seems, viewers express surprise, as symbolized by the three surprise emoticons. This twist not only fulfills the motivation for entertainment but also engages viewers in discussions about societal perceptions of poverty, wealth, and other indices of recession. By presenting humor through unexpected revelations, creators tap into deeper societal themes while satisfying viewer expectations for content creation.

The social implications of this interaction cannot be overemphasized; it raises questions about authenticity in public displays of need and how society responds to perceived deception. Sometimes, such deceptive acts are adopted as a norm. This deceptive theme is also observed in Figure 12.

Figure 12:

Now, you must eat it.

The scene is in front of a block of flats with some friends sitting on the pavement. One of them is eating. Another boy standing by the side far off takes a packet of salt from his pocket, pours some into his palm, and moves towards the friends. Sprinkles the salt on the food and tries to run away. The following ensues. The discourse is in NP.

Several emotions are communicated with visual cues in the video. For instance, the facial expression of the boy feigning to sprinkle salt is mischievous and sheepish, but that of the food owner displays surprise, anger, and frustration while others convey anger. The boy when he is told to eat the rice. This is evident from his facial expression, which neither shows fear nor joy but downturn eyebrows that portray suspicion and delight upon tasting the food. His act of pretense significantly contributes to the meaning of the interaction and suggests playfulness rather than malice, which viewers interpret positively. The video adds depth to the scene, implying that scarcity and hardship are imminent, causing people to act under pretense.

The relationship between the two boys is unknown, but the boy pretending may probably be engaging in a form of social bonding through humor or jesting, which can strengthen their friendship despite external pressures from friends and the economic situation. The boy refusing to eat his rice is based on evidential distrust and dislike perceived by the purported threat and separation between them. This reflects a negative interpersonal dynamic where humor is intended but leads to conflict despite serving as a coping mechanism during difficult times. The idea in, you don put poison for person food uttered in NP, being harmless salt, creates an unexpected twist that engages sharers of the video, serving as a momentary escape for viewers who relate to similar hardships while also serving as content for entertainment and emotional relief.

5.7 Humor in incompleteness

The term incompleteness, as used here, refers to the quantity of goods in Nigeria that are observed to be reduced even though there is a steady rise in their prices. The text on a green background is symbolic of growth, nature, or hope but, ironically, contrasts with the text, which conveys incompleteness, cheating, and manipulation. This is evident from the text indicating that the quantity of the pack of spaghetti has been reduced without a corresponding reduction in price, as the meme illustrates.

Several motivations can be attributed to the creation of this meme: the desire to gain insight into current socio-economic conditions in Nigeria or simply to stay informed about public sentiment, for entertainment, and to facilitate discussions within media networks about pressing issues. It is a mix of text, images, and emojis that conveys a sense of frustration or resignation regarding socio-political as well as economic issues in Nigeria. The text mode has five sentences with varying emojis attached to convey distinct meanings.

Two spaghetti packs separated by a thin line, one being counted as suggested by the hand holding them and the other completely counted. The text suggests a feeling of disillusionment, while the numerical references (T2) suggest a reduction in the quantity of spaghetti, analogous and related to budget cuts, taxation, or resource allocation, thus reflecting the Nigerian cultural context with socio-economic issues. While T3 suggests grievance about the reduction, which affects everyday life, T5 adds an element of humor or absurdity to the situation, as the task itself lacks congruity.

While the text serves as a narrative that expresses frustration or resignation regarding economic conditions (T1), all emojis express specific emotions, such as; the shrug emoji, which conveys indifference or acceptance of the situation and the move emoji, which implies urgency or action required despite the circumstances and complements the message of the text. The image mode reinforces the theme of incompleteness, scarcity, or resource management, suggesting that individuals are forced to meticulously account for limited resources while purchasing goods. Each mode contributes to an overarching narrative about economic hardship, manipulation, and coping strategies, thus serving as a commentary on societal issues in Nigeria. All modes jointly reflect shared frustrations among users who may relate to economic struggles. By employing the NP in the narrative, culturally relevant references like spaghetti and counting of rice create a kind of bond among users who share the same experience through humor. With the combination of humor through exaggeration (T2 through T5) and the implicit reference to issues with a serious economic undertone, viewers are engaged emotionally, prompting them to reflect on their own experiences while also providing comic relief.

5.8 Humor in meting out hardship

The memes in this section reflects the dispensing or allotting of hardship on Nigerians serving significantly as an indicator of the economic downturn (Figure 13). In the context of Figure 14, isolated underneath, the creator seeks to project the worst between ex-PMB and PBAT, represented by a frying pan and fire. The accompanying text from frying pan to fire serves as a metaphor for a transition from one problematic situation to another. Consider the meme below.

Figure 13:

Incompleteness despite price hike.

Figure 14:

Excalating hardship.

The background is a living room (Figure 14) with sofers and beautiful monochrome curtains in red and beige colors. While PMB is depicted as a frying pan, symbolizing something hot or potentially dangerous connoting a cooking tool and suggesting his involvement in creating or managing situations (or crises) within Nigeria, PBAT is represented by fire, which typifies danger, destruction, or intense heat. This juxtaposition suggests that moving from PMB (frying pan) to PBAT (fire) represents an escalation of problems rather than solutions. This reinforces the visual representation and adds depth to the interpretation of the meme. It suggests skepticism about political transitions in Nigeria and reflects public sentiment regarding leadership changes. Similarly, Figure 13 is representative of the economic downturn expressed in the iconic reduction in the strands of spaghetti, projecting the dwindling economic situation in Nigeria.

Generally, the meme engages its audience by tapping into shared cultural knowledge about Nigerian politics, public figures, and their antecedents by employing specific symbols, frying pan, and fire, thereby creating an immediate connection with viewers who understand the implications behind these representations. The ensemble implies criticism towards both leaders with imageries that evoke feelings of frustration or disillusionment among viewers who may feel trapped in a cycle of ineffective leadership choices. This meme allows sharers to connect with others who share similar sentiments regarding the APC leaders and fosters community discussions around politics and governance. Above all, this meme serves as humorous commentary on a serious topic, such as leadership style, while simultaneously addressing significant societal concerns. Engaging with this meme is an act of political expression of dissatisfaction with the existing leadership through humor and satire.

5.9 Humor in retrogression

The meme in Figure 15 comprises two images engaged in different modes of transportation: one is laboriously riding a bicycle loaded with wood labeled 2014, while the other effortlessly rides a motorcycle with a gas cylinder labeled 2024. This visual juxtaposition serves as a commentary on regression, effort versus ease, and possibly societal changes over time. Three modes are apparent: visual elements, which represent two distinct modes of transportation. The bicycle symbolizes hard work and a return to traditional methods of transportation in 2024, while the motorcycle represents modernity, speed, and technological advancement in 2014; the textual mode has the years 2014 and 2024, which serve as temporal markers that suggest a regression in time from technological advancement to traditional lifestyle choices over a decade better. This temporal aspect invites viewers to reflect on the cause(s) of the regression.

Figure 15:

Regression in time and space.

At the head of the meme is a call (situation reports now @topfans) indicating that the meme is meant for information purposes with members who share the same view regarding Nigeria’s dwindling economy. The wood on the bicycle symbolizes manual labor or resourcefulness, whereas the gas cylinder on the motorcycle signifies reliance on technology or modern conveniences. The absurdity of comparing a bicycle loaded with wood to a motorcycle with a gas cylinder elicits laughter.

The meme is a critique of PBAT’s government for its inability to improve the socio-economic well-being of Nigerians at this time and age when societies rely on technology for speedy delivery rather than traditional skills or hard work. The juxtaposition of the two images encourages viewers to think critically about the situation of things, namely, retrogression and possible solutions.

5.10 Humor in leadership style

The screenshot in Figure 16 features an image of PBAT in a newspaper advertisement used for wrapping suya, a popular spicy meat skewer dish in Nigeria. The interaction represented in T1 to T12 is between the buyer and the seller. The buyer’s comment about not needing pepper (T1 to T6) because PBAT was already very spicy (T6) suggests a satirical or critical commentary on PBAT’s political actions or policies that are perceived to affect the populace negatively.

1. Aboki: I never put pepper

2. Buyer: Put pepper in where

3. Aboki: For the suya. I never added pepper before

4. Buyer: Pepper dey now, already na

5. Aboki: No pepper, customer, I never put pepper. Look am well

6. Buyer: Aboki see pepper

7. Aboki: Wey am

Figure 16:

Critique on PBAT’s leadership style.

Buyer Laughing and pointing at an image in the paper:

1. See pepper, see pepper. The pepper when this man dey show Nigerians, e pass this pepper? If you add this one na you wan give me ulcer, be that na. Abi the pepper nor dey reach your eye? Sell something for me you wan add pepper join pepper. You wan to give me an ulcer? I nor buy again. Na una dey spoil the country so

2. Aboki: O oga nor vex. Come back, come back

3. Buyer: I nor buy again, keep your suya

4. Aboki: Uya make I give you Buhari own

5. Buyer: Buhari ki you there

This clip is premised on the need to gain insights into public sentiment regarding political figures like PBAT. It reinforces the creator or sharers’ identity within their socio-political context, allowing them to express dissent in a culturally relevant manner, and ensuring that the humorous nature of the comments provides entertainment while simultaneously delivering a pointed critique. It fulfills both emotional and cognitive gratifications for audiences.

PBAT’s image serves as a powerful visual cue that evokes immediate recognition among viewers who are familiar with Nigerian politics. His presence in the advertisement paper juxtaposes political imagery with everyday consumer culture (the purchase of suya), creating a layered meaning. The audio interaction between buyer and seller accompanying the image being pointed at elicits a dialogue between commercial intent and social commentary. By linking PBAT to a communal cultural staple (suya), the image and text (the pepper when this man dey show Nigerians, e pass this pepper) critiques his influence on daily life. The buyer’s remarks are an attempt to engage others who share similar sentiments about PBAT’s governance. The interaction between seller and buyer reflects broader societal feelings towards political figures, suggesting that humor or sarcasm can serve as coping mechanisms for citizens facing dissatisfaction with leadership.

5.11 Humor in hunger after vote buying/selling

Vote buying and selling occurs when a candidate distributes items in cash or kind to voters with the expectation that they will cast their vote for them during an upcoming election. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reports that vote buying increased by 5 % in the 2023 general election in Nigeria.

The two memes isolated herein depict two images (hungry men) in distress, each accompanied by texts that convey political messages. Figure 18 shows a man sitting on a landfill with text comparing Nigeria’s suffering to the biblical oppression of the Israelites by Pharoah. Figure 17 features a skeletal male lying on a mattress, with a textual hinting on the futility of selling one’s vote during elections.

Figure 17:

Gains of selling vote.

Three modes can be isolated: image modes that depict extreme hunger and despair from the structure of the men. The landfill setting in Figure 18 suggests neglect and poverty, while the skeletal figures emphasize starvation. The bones of the image in Figure 17 are suggestive of hunger. These visual elements evoke strong emotional responses from viewers; represented in the texts.

Figure 18:

Pharoah was an Angel.

Figure 17:

Figure 18:

Figures 17 and 18 serve as commentary on political corruption and social injustice. While the 2mudus of rice in T1 in Figure 17 symbolizes inadequate compensation for votes, highlighting electoral manipulation, T2 in Figure 18 alludes to the biblical Pharaoh, drawing parallels between the oppression and suffering of the Israelites and Nigerians, as well as the wickedness of Pharoah and PBAT. These combinations of stark imagery with poignant text create an emotional appeal that resonates with viewers’ experiences or perceptions of political disenfranchisement.

Undoubtedly, these memes provide an outlet to vent anger and frustration regarding the political conditions and, in a way, express solidarity with those suffering under poor governance, as the images suggest. While fostering discussions among interactants’ political choices during elections and accountability, these memes create a sense of community in and around shared grievances. There is no gainsaying that these memes instill in viewers the need to think critically about electoral processes, promises, and societal responsibilities, prompting users and sharers to reflect on their voting behaviors.

Conversations emanating from these memes will encourage dialogue with individuals who may have differing views but share common concerns about Nigeria. Through the visuals and texts, viewers empathize with those facing hardships, fostering a deeper understanding of collective struggles within their societies.

5.12 Conclusions

This study sought to examine user-generated HMs on Nigeria’s economic downturn in the administration of PBAT, popularly called Èmi ló kàn, and how his popular what they will eat?… speech parallels the pragmatic facts in the polity. It sought to determine the motivation for such memes and critically analyze the component resources in isolation and in combination that jointly project the ailing economy to thematically categorize the memes based on their semantic content.

Motivated by the assumption that media users seek out platforms to assuage their frustration with memes that replicate their experiences, data for the study were drawn from Facebook, WhatsApp, and TikTok and analyzed through the theoretical lenses of ITM, UGT, and multimodal discourse analysis. A total of eighteen (18) memes were isolated, out of which eleven (11) thematic categories were ascertained based on the composite resources of their ensemble but not without consideration of their humorous qualities.

The motivation for their creation was to express experiences about the current economic downturn. Hence, they reflected indices of recession.

Findings revealed that the isolated memes do not only serve as linguistic parallels with current realities but, among other things, serve to satirize, provide comic relief, and serve as a commentary on socio-economic issues facing the country. They, therefore, served as tools for governance, collective identity, and making critical decisions. The memes suggest alternatives chosen by Nigerians, symbolizing resourcefulness and adaptability matrix and the government’s ineptitude in ameliorating the suffering of the masses. They also underscore the importance of self-reliance and community support in navigating economic hardships. By humorously highlighting the struggles of everyday life and making light of difficult circumstances in memes, video clips, skits, etc., the study offers a way for people to connect and share their common experiences, make important lifestyle changes, and find moments of levity in adversity.