Startseite Digital history of representations: analysing identity and nationalism in the Capuchin Annual periodical (1930-1977)
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Digital history of representations: analysing identity and nationalism in the Capuchin Annual periodical (1930-1977)

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Journal of Digital History
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Digital history ofrepresentations: analysingidentity and nationalism inthe Capuchin Annualperiodical (1930-1977)Maëlle Le Roux University of Limerick - Limerick - IEhttps://doi.org/10.1515/JDH-2021-1002Published online Oct. 18, 2021For optimized experience read this article using this link. You can also send yourself a link to this article for a later, more comfortable read.representations, linguistics, Ireland, identityNationalist sentiments formed thebasis of the independent Irishstate, and, as is often the case in thecontext of post-colonial countries, itscore rhetoric has been accepted indecolonialising national identityagendas. This shared narrative, usedby nationalist newspapers andperiodicals, has not received enoughscholarly attention, especially froman interdisciplinary perspective. Thisresearch project offers a case studyexamining and challenging theattributes of these narrative tropes inan Irish nationalist and religiousperiodical, the Capuchin Annual. Thisarticle will argue that a mixedmethodology approach drawing fromhistory of representations, asunderstood in the Frenchhistoriography, and corpus linguisticscombined, is required to conduct athorough analysis of digitised culturalsources. It will specically present apotential methodological pattern forprojects aiming to analyserepresentations of concepts such aspower, gender, nationalism andJournal of Digital History
The Capuchin Annual, on which this dataset is based, is under copyright of the IrishCapuchin Archives. The corpus was created and made available with their permission.identity, and it will devise a templateto re-examine Irish nationalismglobally. To do so, it will outline themethodology used in this researchproject, the theoretical backgroundand the various software and toolsused. It will also present how thishermeneutic layer permitted theanalysis of the trans-media narrativeof Irish identity. To exemplify this, itwill present the narrative of theCromwell case study. The analysis ofthis sub-corpus demonstrated howthe periodical aimed to unify Irelandaround a common hatred of Englishcolonisation, and how specicimages, positive or negative, wereused to convey ideas and emotions ina readership aware of the sub-textbehind these representations.
© Maëlle Le Roux. Published by De Gruyter in cooperation with theUniversity of Luxembourg Centre for Contemporary and Digital History. This is an OpenAccess article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License CC-BY-NC-NDIntroductionThe digitisation of historical cultural documents is a challenge for historians. While theirincreased availability might be an advantage, new methodologies have to be dened to usethem and to understand all the new possibilities this new format opens for researchers(Zaagsma 2013). This paper will present the methodology designed to analyserepresentations of nationalist gures in a digitised periodical, the Capuchin Annual. TheCapuchin Annual was a periodical published between 1930 and 1977 in Dublin by theCapuchin Franciscans, a male Roman Catholic order. It was rst published as a religiousjournal, to promote the missions and the history of the order, but it quickly took a morecultural and literary turn in the second half of the 1930s. While very little scholarly researchhas been published on this periodical, these publications all agree that the CapuchinAnnual held nationalist views (Kennedy 2015, Perkins 2014). Specically, its Easter Risingcommemorative issue in 1966 was widely used by scholars for that reason. The editorsthemselves proclaimed the goal of the periodical to be the promotion of Ireland and Irishidentity, both on a national and an international level (Father Henry Anglin 1955). With theestimation of 25,000 copies sold in 1942 in Ireland and abroad, through the Irish diaspora, itwas one of the main cultural periodicals of its time (Dillon 2012). This article will present acase study analysing the representations of Oliver Cromwell in this periodical.The Capuchin Annual was published in the context of a post-independence Irish state, andin a post-colonial context. Its rst issues were published during the Irish Free State, whichwas created following the War of Independence (1919-1921), a guerrilla war between theBritish Army and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). The war concluded with a truce, followedby the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921. This treaty divided Irish nationalists, as itaccorded the Free State dominion status within the British Empire, and it retained themonarchy and the oath of allegiance to the King. It also conrmed the Government ofIreland Act of 1920, which partitioned Ireland and created a separate Northern Ireland Stateas part of the United Kingdom. In 1922 and 1923, the anti-Treaty faction, represented by thegure of Éamon de Valera, opposed the pro-Treaty faction of the Irish Free State in amilitary, political and social conict. Although the war was won by pro-Treaty forces, thisconict had a major impact on twentieth century Ireland. In 1937, Éamon de Valera’s politicalparty, Fianna Fáil, won the General Elections of the Dáil Éireann, the Irish parliament.Following this event, a new Constitution was approved, and in 1949 the country became aRepublic under the name of Éire/Ireland.While the Capuchin Annual did not ofcially take a position, these political matters still hadan impact on the content of the periodical. The rst editor, Father Senan Moynihan OFM.Cap. (1900-1970) was personally close to de Valera and they moved in the same politicalcircles (Dillon 2012). Following Father Senan’s illness, Father Henry Anglin, OFM Cap. (1910-1977) took over the editorship of the periodical for the 1953-4 issue. Perkins argues that this12345
caused a shift in the content of the periodical, as from the 1952 issue, in which Father Senanwas less involved, the proportion of lay authors compared to authors from the clergy wasless important than in previous issues, and the article reverted to a focus on religion, as theperiodical was originally intended (Perkins 2012). This periodical was therefore chosen forthis case study to understand how it participated in shaping and redening Irish identityand in the construction of a national narrative in post-independence Ireland.Research published on the Capuchin Annual is limited to two book chapters, RóisínKennedy’s work focusing on the visual art published in the periodical to commemorate the1916 Easter Rising, and Sonya Perkins’ work focusing on the editorship of Father Senan(Kennedy 2015, Perkins 2014). Other research projects on the Capuchin Annual have to thisday remained unpublished (Dillon 2012, Perkins 2012). Similar periodicals of the time haveattracted the attention of scholarly research, such as The Bell with the works of KellyMatthews and Niall Carson, Mark O’Brien and Felix M. Larkin’s edited volumes, or LouiseRyan’s work on gender in the Irish press (Matthews 2012, Carson 2016, O'Brien, Larkin 2014,Ryan 2002). The Capuchin Annual was an unusual periodical in the cultural landscape ofpost-independence Ireland. As Dillon noted, while it was more conservative than periodicalssuch as The Bell, per its religiosity and its views, it still produced a dissenting voice throughits nationalism, differentiating it from other Catholic periodicals such as the Irish Monthly.Dillon argues that these views were representative of the Irish Catholic middle-class at thetime (Dillon 2012). Understanding this specic position of the periodical, this article willfocus exclusively on the Capuchin Annual and will not take a comparative approach.The Capuchin Annual published articles on various themes, and while looking atrepresentations of nationalist gures, a few individuals emerged, one of them being OliverCromwell. Cromwell was a major gure in the Capuchin Annual, as he was mentioned in 92articles. While this number may not seem high considering the high volume of articlesproduced by the periodical, a comparison with other gures shows that this number isindubitably unusual.In the issues published between 1930 and 1965, subsection of the main corpus of thisproject composed of 903 articles, Cromwell is mentioned in 67 of them. It is interesting tonote that this number is higher than the number for Theobald Wolfe Tone, revered UnitedIrishman gure, who is mentioned 45 times. His complex memory, associated with the UnitedIrishmen movement and the 1798 rebellion, has been analysed by various historians such asGuy Beiner, Peter J. Collins or Marianne Elliott (Beiner 2007, Beiner 2018, Collins 2004, Elliott2012). In these issues, which compose the majority of the Capuchin Annual about Irelandand nationalism, Cromwell is also mentioned more often than other English monarchsknown for their impact on Ireland, such as Elizabeth I, Henry VIII, Victoria or William ofOrange. More interestingly, Cromwell is also more mentioned than Father Theobald Mathew,Capuchin priest revered by the Irish Capuchin Province (O'Connor 2009). In this subsection ofthe corpus, Cromwell is the third gure in terms of articles, as only Patrick Pearse and DanielO’Connell, both nationalist gures, were mentioned in more articles.Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) is known as a negative gure in Irish history, and he is oftenremembered as Ireland's ‘bogeyman’ (Ó Siochrú 2009). Cromwell was an English gure,associated with the Puritan religious movement, known principally for his part in theEnglish civil war and, following it, for taking the power as Lord Protector (J. S. Morrill 2009).Before taking part in the military repression of the Confederate Wars, he was involvedpolitically and economically in Ireland owing to his appointment as Lord Lieutenant ofIreland from 1649 to 1653 (J. S. Morrill 2009). Atrocity characterised his military campaigns inIreland, as his armies perpetrated violent assaults on Wexford and at the siege of Drogheda,67910
during which his troops killed surrendering Irish troops and a large number of civilians (J. S.Morrill 2009, Covington 2013). His military campaign was marked by a population decline inIreland, caused by the military conict but also by famine, and was then followed by thedeportation of a ‘surplus’ Catholic population to the west of Ireland and abroad (Ó Siochrú2009). Despite the settlements of Protestants in lands from which the Catholic populationwas evicted, the death of 20 per cent of the population and the restructure of theagricultural landscape is reputed to have had an impact on Ireland in the long-term,especially in terms of food production (Ó Siochrú 2009). All these elements had an impact onIrish collective memory, and some of them made their way into folklore, although somehistorians suspect that this memory might have been a nineteenth century construct, due toa new interest in folklore and national history associated with a revival of Irish identity andnationalism (Covington 2013, Ó Giolláin 2000).Owing to these events, the memory of Cromwell in Ireland is complex. He is often consideredas accountable for all the negative effects of the British colonisation, physical, moral orcultural. His gure and his actions, real and perceived, are mythologised in folklore, both inIreland and in the Irish diaspora. Overall, Cromwell is remembered as the primary architectto other English evils. For these reasons, it was necessary to analyse his representations inthis larger study of Irish nationalist gures, as his impact as a ‘villain’ on Irish culturalmemory was as important, if not more, than most nationalist gures. Despite thisimportance, few studies have been published focusing on the memory or therepresentations of Cromwell in late modern and contemporary Ireland. The historiography ofCromwell’s actions in Ireland in the early modern period is well developed, with for examplethe work of Micheál Ó Siochrú and John Cunningham, among others (Ó Siochrú 2009,Cunningham 2010). This study builds on the work of Toby Barnard, Sarah Covington andMáirín Ní Cheallaigh, whose research analysed the representations of Cromwell in modernIreland, by using different sources and different methodologies (Barnard 1993, Covington2013, Cheallaigh 2007).This research project required an interdisciplinary methodology, based on a history ofrepresentations, critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics. The availability of digitalcopies of the Capuchin Annual allowed the creation of a corpus and of a related metadatatable, composing the dataset presented with this article. Representations in historicalcultural sources are rarely straightforward, and this article will argue that a detailedinterdisciplinary methodology such as the one presented here is necessary to analyse thevarious angles that such a complex gure might entail. By presenting the argument that thegure of Cromwell became a symbol of English colonisation in the nationalist narrativepresented in the Capuchin Annual, this paper will demonstrate the strengths of thismethodology in the analysis of immaterial representations and concepts, and its limitations.The analysis presented in this article is a limited scale case study. While the Cromwell sub-corpus is fully available with this article, courtesy of the Irish Capuchin Provinces, theGeneral Capuchin Annual corpus on which it is based will only be rendered available at alater stage of the project. Due to the format of the article, the analysis presented in thenarrative section focused on some key aspects. It is hoped that the dataset and themethodology will allow interested researchers to conduct their own analysis pertainingtheir research interests.Methodology11121314
This project required the design of an interdisciplinary methodology. The methodology isbased both on history and on linguistics methods, but also on social sciences in general.History of representations is the main historical component of this methodology.Understood as ‘social history of cultural representations’, as dened by Ory, this historicaleld was developed by the fourth generation of the Ecole des Annales as a form of culturalhistory that they deemed more scientic (Ory 2004, Delacroix, Dosse, Garcia 2005). It is basedon the post-structuralist denition of representations, and specically on Foucault’stheories (Foucault 2010, Kalifa 2010, Van de Wiele 1983). Representations are understood asmulti-layers phenomena, with a gurative layer, a layer of immaterial perceptions, and asymbolic layer, which are all understood as a social construct (Kalifa 2010). History ofrepresentations aims to analyse social representations in cultural sources, textual orotherwise, in the context of the source, to answer a specic question (Ory 2004, Vadelorge2006). It is based on specic methods, such as the sampling of sources to create a ‘corpus’,understood here as a collection of historical and cultural documents, based on a themedetermined by the historian’s questioning, and the analysis of the document both in itscontent and its context (Ory 2004). This historical eld is connected to a movement oflinguistic analysis in historical sources, as Foucault himself advocated for analysing thelanguage used in historical representations (Delacroix 2010). Historians such as Genet andGuilhaumou have developed methodologies combining history and digital linguisticmethods to analyse historical primary sources, although they focused mainly onquantitative analyses (Genet 1986, Guilhaumou 1986).The linguistic aspect of this methodology is largely based on a combination of CorpusLinguistics (CL) and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Like history of representations, CDA isbased on Foucault’s theories, and it relies on the analysis of representations in textsselected around a specic theme (McEnery, Baker 2015). According to Fairclough, CDA is afocus on discourse analysis as a ‘critical social analysis’ (Fairclough 2014, Fairclough 2001).CDA has often been criticised for its ‘cherry-picking’, as the selection of the texts and theanalysis might present some biases, and Baker has argued that this methodology worksbetter combined with others, such as Corpus Linguistics (Baker, Levon 2015, McEnery, Baker2015). The methodology presented here takes this approach. Indeed, when understandingthe corpus as a representation of the discourse and as a combination of quantitative andqualitative tools, CL tools allow a better analysis of the periodical, connecting the differentlevels of analysis, ‘linking micro-level linguistics patterns (...) to macro-level socialphenomena’ (Rheindorf 2019). To t the analysis of historical theme, the corpus was createdusing purpose sampling. The sub-corpora, including the dataset presented with this article,were created using ‘downsampling’ methods, as the texts were selected based on specicoccurrences to analyse a specic aspect of the corpus in details, here the gure of OliverCromwell (Gabrielatos, Baker 2008).This research project uses a multi-scale approach. The diverse methods combined providevarious scales for the analysis of the data. The project is mainly based on a case-studyapproach. Originally based on anthropological methods, this approach is similar on someaspects to micro-history, as developed by the Italian historiography in the 1970s, due to itsfocus on a micro scale, instead of the macro, and its interest in the analysis of the detail,understood as the ‘evidential paradigm’ conceptualised by Ginzburg (Revel 1996, Ginzburg1980). A case-study approach takes the detail as a starting point for the analysis, butcontrary to some micro-history denitions, it does not aim to be representative in a largercontext. This approach was developed closely with social history, and therefore it adopts thesame necessity of contextualising the data (Revel 1996). The results of the research can giveinsights into larger social matters, but it will only be representative in the specic context of15161718
the periodical. The study aimed to analyse representations through the three concepts ofpower, gender and nationalism, and it was necessary to divide the analysis in various case-studies. Each is composed of one or multiple sub-corpora, based on the main corpus, aimingto analyse in detail one specic aspect of the periodical. This division allowed to balancebetween the various scales during the interpretation phase, using the various toolsprovided by the combined methodology.This methodology resulted in the construction of a dataset composed of a corpus, multiplesub-corpora and detailed metadata, based on the grilles de dépouillement methods used inhistory of representations (Ferro 1993). The process of building this dataset was designedfollowing various experiments to determine the best method in terms of reliability,objectivity and accessibility. A very important criterium in the establishment of this datasetwas its compatibility with the Findable Accessible Interoperable and Reusable (FAIR)principles (Wilkinson, Dumontier, Aalbersberg, Appleton, Axton, Baak, Blomberg, Boiten, daSilva Santos, Bourne, Bouwman, Brookes, Clark, Crosas, Dillo, Dumon, Edmunds, Evelo, Finkers,Gonzalez-Beltran, Gray, Groth, Goble, Grethe, Heringa, ’t Hoen, Hooft, Kuhn, Kok, Kok, Lusher,Martone, Mons, Packer, Persson, Rocca-Serra, Roos, van Schaik, Sansone, Schultes, Sengstag,Slater, Strawn, Swertz, Thompson, van der Lei, van Mulligen, Velterop, Waagmeester,Wittenburg, Wolstencroft, Zhao, Mons 2016). For this reason, the software TXM was selectedfor the textual analysis (Heiden 2010). TXM is an open-source free software, which wasdeemed reliable and easy to use with a wide arrange of functionalities. The corpus creationprocess in TXM offered many possibilities. In this project, using texts les in plain textformat and a metadata le in comma-separated values format, TXM created the corpora byannotating the les through Tree Tagger in the requested language, here English, andcreated annotated versions of the texts in XML-TEI (Schmid 1994).This research project is composed of a main corpus, the General Capuchin Annual (GCA) fromwhich all the sub-corpora derive. The texts for the GCA corpus were selected through adistant reading of all the articles in the Capuchin Annual, allowing to notice the mention ofgures, themes, events or concepts that were deemed relevant to analyse therepresentations of Irish nationalist gures. To avoid any issue of ‘cherry-picking’, when therewas a doubt on the relevance of the article, it was included in the corpus, if only to serve asa statistical comparison.The texts for the sub-corpora were selected on a specic theme, or gure. The texts wereadded to the dataset following a close-reading, which had determined the presence of thattheme or gure, or following a keyword search to determine their potential presence. Thekeyword search presented obvious limitations, but was necessary in the case of texts whichhad not yet gone through the close-reading step of the process, the GCA corpus being still awork in progress. Although it is understood that sub-corpora might change following theclose-reading of new articles, it must be noted that only few articles are added due to thecombination of these methods, and these few additions have not resulted in major changesin the patterns analysed.The texts were cleaned during the close-reading phase. For various reasons such as the lowquality of the paper on which the periodical was printed, especially in the 1930s and 1940s,or the limitations of the OCR technology at the time of the digitisation, the raw text of thearticles presented multiple errors which mainly had to be corrected by hand. The softwareABBYY Fine Reader PDF 15 was used in a later stage of the project to facilitate the cleaning.During this close-reading and cleaning step, the detailed metadata table, or grille dedépouillement, was lled with the criteria gleaned from the text.19202122
To create these grilles, rst I created tables in which were written the results of thedépouillement, combing through every text. Each line in the table represents a text in thecorpus, and each column represent one criterium. Except for the base criteria, they are allbinary (0 for negative/1 for positive) to allow a quantitative analysis.The criteria were selected using the historiography. I selected gures and events whoserepresentations I wanted to analyse, as well as concepts, organisations, places orlanguages/literature questions that I wanted to examine, as the historiography determinedthem to be important for the topic of Irish nationalism. I then added more criteria as I wentalong with the distant reading of the sources to add them to the corpus, adding more minorgures or places or themes that had not been deemed as important by the existinghistoriography, but that emerged as important in the Capuchin Annual articles. While theselater additions caused some issues in terms of the corpus building, as these additionsrequired to go through all the sources previously combed through to determine if that newcriterium was or was not present, they were deemed necessary to reveal potential blindspots in the historiography.The categorisation of these criteria was put in place to facilitate the visualisation of the dataand the data analysis but it presented some difculties. Indeed, some criteria can t inmultiple categories, as a gure’s name might also represent an event or a concept forexample, and a concept might often be used to represent a specic organisation or event.When possible, criteria in this case were placed in the multiple categories to which theybelong. These categories do not impact the dataset, in the sense that they do not appear inthe metadata le, only in the dataset dictionary, as they were provided to help contextualisethe criteria and more generally the dataset.The manual input was realised in parallel with the cleaning of the texts. While correctingOCR mistakes, each text was read through with a list of criteria in mind, and whenever anoccurrence of one criterium appeared in the text or in the sub-text, a ‘1’ was added in thatcriterium’s column, on the line for that specic text. At the end of the text, ‘0’ were added tothe columns for criteria which did not appear in the text. The adding of the ‘0’ allowed toread through the list of criteria again, to conrm that no criterium was forgotten.I thought of the potential tools to automatize the process, as Natural Language Processing(NLP) for example could be an option to facilitate the combing through of the texts and thedetermination of criteria. Part of the criteria are based on sub-meanings and require humanreading and knowledge of the context of the texts. For example, while the name ‘Oliver’ onits own might not seem signicant, and might not be picked up by automatic readings, insome specic contexts it might refer to Oliver Cromwell, as was the case in a text of thiscorpus, where he was only named ‘Oliver’. In most other articles, ‘Oliver’ referred to SaintOliver Plunkett, making an automated distinction between the two gures difcult. Itappeared therefore that while the automatization of the process might potentially decreasethe time to input the data, it was very uncertain as a lot of human input was still necessary,both before and after the use of that hypothetical tool. Due to the time constraints and thelimited material conditions of this project, I decided not to pursue this further and tocontinue with the manual input. Furthermore, this project aimed to design a methodologythat could be used by researchers with limited digital skills and material resources, andmanual input does not require any specic technical skill or resource.I inputted the GCA metadata in a Libre Ofce Database, as this allowed to cross-referencewith other details of the text, such as the general information about the texts or a futureprosopographical study of the authors, which will be realised at a later stage of this project.232425262728
For the compilation of the GCA corpus, or of sub-corpora, the metadata for the selected textswas exported in a LibreOfce Calc le and saved in CSV format.The metadata of the corpus and subcorpora is composed of two les, with one containingthe detailed criteria, and one composed of the general information, such as the title of thearticle, the author’s name as indicated on the Table of Contents of the issue, the exact pagenumber both in the original paper issue and in the digitised document, the number of pagesand the number of words.This methodology presents a lot of positive aspects, as it allows to combine quantitativeand qualitative analyses on various scales, and in general it allows a very thorough analysisof the sources. Due to its compatibility with the FAIR principles, it renders fully reusabledata, allowing other researchers to use the dataset. It does not require specic technicalskills, although these are useful to supplement the analysis, and it does not require specicmaterial conditions, as it is based on free open-source software with low technicalrequirements.In TXM specic tools were used. The rst is the Lexicon tool. This tool is also known as a‘word list’ and gives a list of the words in the corpus organised by their number ofoccurrences. The lexicon can be general, showing all the words in a corpus, or specic, basedon specic settings dened by the user.The second tool was the co-occurrences tool, or co-frequencies tool. This tool is based on amanual entry of a specic word, or multiple words, and will then look for other words inthis corpus that are the most likely to be associated with that word or these multiple words,or how likely these words are to be co-occurrent. This likeliness is analysed with the score,which is a statistical calculation made by the software taking into account the otherparameters of frequency, co-frequency and mean distance. The mean distance is the meancalculation of the distance between the two words. In this article, the word ‘occurrence’ willbe preferred to ‘frequency’ in that context.The last tool is the Concordance tool. Again based on a manual entry of a specic word orwords, the tool then shows the context of use of this or these words, showing a few wordsof the sentence in which they appear in the texts, on the left and on the right. The aim ofusing these tools in this case study was to provide a detailed linguistic analysis of thecorpus, and the sub-corpus, to provide a more thorough analysis of the representations ofCromwell.The datasetThe dataset used in this article is composed of the sub-corpus named Cromwell-GCA and itsrelated metadata. The Cromwell-GCA corpus is based on the GCA corpus, and the articleswere selected for their mention of Oliver Cromwell. Part of the articles were includedfollowing the close-reading step, by looking in the metadata for entries where ‘Cromwell = 1’.To nd the articles mentioning Oliver Cromwell in the non-cleaned GCA texts, a key wordsearch was made. The rst keyword used was ‘Crom’, as it was noticed that a shorterkeyword raised too many entries, while a longer keyword did not nd all the entries due toOCR issues. The main problem with that keyword search was the appearance of other guresnamed Cromwell, such as Thomas Cromwell, and texts had to be veried to make sure that2930313233343536
the Cromwell mentioned was indeed Oliver. Another keyword used was ‘puritan’ to nd theoccurrences where Cromwell was mentioned through paraphrase. While this allowed thending of a few texts, it is important to note that the paraphrases used to describe OliverCromwell appear to have been very diverse, as a few other texts were found in the laterstages of close-reading, and it is suspected that there are more texts in the Capuchin Annualmentioning Oliver Cromwell in some way than the 92 included in this dataset. Furthermore,this search did not include the paragraphs or articles in the Irish language, which mighthave used a different spelling of Cromwell, or might have not been recognised by theoriginal text OCR. With 92 texts from 38 issues out of a total of 44, and 638,296 words, ascounted by TXM, it is expected that this dataset presents a good overview of therepresentations of Oliver Cromwell in the Capuchin Annual.There is a lot of diversity in the content of the articles, with very few specically beingabout the gure of Cromwell, but also in their size in word or page count, and in theauthors, as we can nd both anonymous articles and articles written by big literary namesof the time. There is slightly less diversity in the literary genre of the articles, with essayscomposing most of the corpus with 65 articles. While these elements were not always usedfor the analysis presented in this article, they were included in the dataset to provide areference to the original text. The positioning of the articles in the issues will not beanalysed in detail in this article. Indeed, each issue of the Capuchin Annual is understood asa whole, as the editors did not appear to make a difference in the positioning of the articles.Indeed, the articles of a major author such as Aodh de Blácam appear both at the beginningof an issue in 1945, in the middle in 1943 and at the end in 1950. Overall, these elements ofthe dataset, combined with the text les of the corpus and the digitised periodicalsavailable online on the Irish Capuchins Provinces website, will allow researchers to conductany further analysis they would need on these texts. The dataset in general is provided herenot only as a guide for the analysis, as while some elements might not have been relevantfor the analysis of Cromwell, they might be relevant as a comparison for other researchers.The general metadata is presented in the table below for visualisation.The detailed metadata table has 430 binary criteria (0/1 for no/yes), which are detailed inthe appendix to the dataset named ‘Cromwell-GCA Dataset.rtf’. In the tables below, they arepresented organised by the categories detailed in the methodology section of the article forvisualisation purposes. The full non-categorised metadata table is available in the datasetunder the name ‘metadata.csv’.Representations of Cromwell - analysing the absenceThe question of the absence is a major part of an historians’ work, especially in history ofrepresentations, as an absence is a representation in itself. The methodology for thisresearch project was designed to analyse absences. First, the analysis of the metadataallowed a visualisation of absences. The table including all the criteria was analysed to lookfor the criteria having 5 or less occurrences, therefore appearing in 5 or less texts. Theresults are presented here in table 11 below. Looking at the table, I noted the presence ofmultiple criteria referring to women gures and created a separate table, with all the criteriareferring to them, to analyse this hypothesis further. This table is table 12 presented below.From these tables of criteria, we can note that all women gures except one appear in thelist of criteria with 5 or less occurrences. Only the Queen Elizabeth I of England appears inmore articles, with 29 occurrences. While this is not unexpected, as women gures are3739484952
under-represented in the Capuchin Annual, it is still important to note that apart fromElizabeth I, women gures will be mainly absent from this case study.Some absences are more difcult to determine and require the use of textual analysis. Whenanalysing representations, historians are often confronted with the absence of therepresentations expected, and this can only be observed by looking into the details of therepresentations themselves. Using CL tools provided by TXM, this case study was able todemonstrate the absence of gurative representations of Oliver Cromwell in the articlesmentioning him.The historiography of Cromwell’s representations underlines the emphasis on his nose inlater narratives, especially in folkloric mummers’ plays in the eighteenth century (Covington2013). The word ‘nose’ was therefore used in a Lexicon search in TXM, and uncovered only 4occurrences, none of which referred to Cromwell. To analyse his physical descriptionsfurther, a concordance table was created for the word ‘Cromwell’ with the settings of 8 wordsin the left context and 8 in the right context, to examine the word in its textual contexts andto note potential physical descriptions.In the 170 occurrences of the word ‘Cromwell’, none appear to refer to Cromwell’s physicalappearance. This was veried using the co-occurrences tool, with the same contextualsettings (8 left and 8 right), a frequency minimum of 1, a co-frequency minimum of 1 and ascore minimum of 2, to provide the largest co-occurrences overview.Following the verication of the context of all the words that might have potentially beenused as a physical description using the concordance tool, it was determined that therewere indeed no physical descriptions of Oliver Cromwell associated with the name‘Cromwell’. Unfortunately, it was not possible to repeat the process with his rst name,‘Oliver’, due to multiple occurrences of that name referring to Oliver Plunkett, an IrishCatholic martyr who was sanctied in the twentieth century for his presumed martyrdomafter Oliver Cromwell’s time in Ireland (Murray 2010).This absence of physical descriptions of Cromwell is consistent with Covington’sobservations on plays concerning Irish mummers, where she observed that contrary toEnglish plays, they did not include specic details about him and his biography (Covington2013). She also notes that the Irish memory would have been more impacted by thistraumatic experience, making Cromwell a mythical gure in Irish collective memory(Covington 2013). Being more mythical than human, therefore, he did not require a physicaldescription by the Capuchin Annual authors.The moral descriptions were then examined, with the expectation to nd a negative moraldescription of that gure, due to his presentation as an enemy. By looking at the sameconcordance and co-occurrences tables, it was noted that there were very few moraldescriptions of Oliver Cromwell. It was interesting to note the absence of adjectives co-occurring with Cromwell, and overall, the absence of words used to qualify Cromwell.The last step taken to conrm the absence of Cromwell’s descriptions looked into the detailsof the texts for potential articles where a description would have deemed to be necessary,but which might not have appeared in the linguistic analysis. One article, written by Aodhde Blácam, was presented as a biography of Cromwell and of his actions in Ireland (deBlacam 1950). de Blácam was the only author describing Cromwell in a moral sense, as hestates that ‘he was the most able, the most forceful, the most ruthless of all the caste ofadventurers who plundered the Church and the poor’ (de Blacam 1950). de Blácam points to53545658596061
his talent as a military leader, and notes that Cromwell ‘was something more than anexceedingly tenacious, shrewd, skilful ghter, mighty in execution of his ruthless plans. Hewas a fanatic, with a gift of fanatical utterance that might pass for genius, if it were put tobetter use (de Blacam 1950). In the rest of the article, he focuses on his actions, and thename ‘Cromwell’ becomes inextricably linked to his military troops and actions. Hisdescription is limited, as apart from a few indications with ‘ruthless’, ‘tenacious’ and ‘skilful’for example, he does not go into the details of Cromwell’s moral portrait, and he does notgive any physical description.Having determined the absence of descriptions of the main gure in this sub-corpus, theactual occurrences of Cromwell were analysed, to look into other layers of representationsand attempt to understand the reasons of this absence. The CL tools showed that the mainfocus in Cromwell’s representations appear to be on his actions, and more specically hismilitary actions. This focus on the military aspect appears in the metadata, as the criteria‘Army’, ‘Military’ and ‘War’ have occurrences of 48, 17 and 51 respectively, showing a repeatedinterest in the corpus for this theme. The analysis of the most common co-occurrents of theword ‘Cromwell’ followed by a possessive ‘s’ conrmed this hypothesis as they mostlydescribe his military campaigns.The settings for the co-occurrences in that table indicate that only words that followdirectly from ‘Cromwell’s’ would have been present in the table. As shown by table 5, thewords describing Cromwell’s military forces are common as co-occurrents, with ‘forces’,‘followers’, ‘men’ and ‘army’ being the most common ones. This seem consistent with thehistoriography which indicates that Cromwell himself had limited actions in Ireland as mostof the military repression and violence was committed by his armies (Cunningham 2010).There are only three occurrences in which Cromwell is directly associated with the siege ofDrogheda, despite this siege holding an important place in the memorial landscape of hisviolence, and him being physically present at that siege.ID|Extract ---|--- 49M|In extreme youth he had been one of the few survivors of the sack ofDrogheda by Oliver Cromwell, and this event not unnaturally coloured his wholesubsequent political outlook (Petrie 1949). 50K|Resistance at last collapsed. Drogheda was atCromwell's mercy (de Blacam 1950). 62D|He lived out every minute of those stories aboutO'Donnell 's escape from Dublin Castle, the march to Kinsale, O'Neill's nal charge atBenburb, Cromwell's sieges of Drogheda, Wexford, Kilkenny and Clonmel, Cromwell's trooperson the roads nearby, the days of the hunted priests, Wexford in '98 and so on up along toFamine, Fenians and Land War (MacManus 1962).Apart from these three texts, there is no direct connection made between Cromwell andDrogheda. This emphasises his representation as a distant gure, as he is deemedresponsible for his armies’ actions through the direct association of his name with theirs,while he is not represented for himself.Cromwell as a euphemism for English colonisationThis use of Cromwell’s name in dissociation with actual historical events is due to his namebeing used as a euphemism for English colonisation. This hypothesis was rst formulatedfollowing the analysis of the metadata, which showed the prominence of criteria related tothe colonisation process of Ireland. Table 17 below presents these criteria, as well as most62646566676869
criteria relating to the English colonisation process in general, and to the events generallyassociated to the British presence in Ireland.In this table we can note the importance of criteria related to negative events, such as theFamine (30 occurrences), the Penal Laws (36 occurrences) or the Plantations (29 occurrences).More generally, the criterium ‘persecutions’, with 44 occurrences, showed that this themewas recurring in the corpus and required further analysis, which was conducted using CLtools on various details of the corpus.When looking at the co-occurrences of ‘Cromwell’, presented in the previous section, wenoted that both ‘curse’ and ‘Curse’ had high co-frequency scores. This word in its upper-caseand lower-case form had an average score of 7, and a mean distance of 1. It always appearedin the expression ‘curse of Cromwell’, with or without capitalisation, and this expressionseemed connected to this focus on English colonisation. As Covington noted, it has a longfolklore history (Covington 2013). It appears in various sources of the Dúchas NationalFolklore Collection, a multi-media project collected in the twentieth century by the IrishFolklore Commission (dúchas.ie 2021). It can also be found in a nineteenth century bookabout Irish folklore (Carleton 1867). Covington notes that this expression might be anexpression of a demonisation of Cromwell in Irish memory (Covington 2013). While thisexpression is used in recent historiography to describe the Irish memory of the Cromwellianplantations, and of the later Protestants settlements and Catholic deportations, it isimportant to note that this seems to be a modern use (Donoghue 2017). Prendergast’s workon the Cromwellian settlement, rst published in 1868, is described by most historians asone of the main publications renewing the interests of Irish nationalists and Irish academicsin Cromwell and his actions in Ireland (John Patrick Prendergast 1870). It is considered to bea pivotal text in the reconstruction of a negative memory of Cromwell (Covington 2013). Theanalysis of the words used in his book showed that he does not use the expression ‘curse ofCromwell’. While he uses the word ‘curse’, it is only in other contexts, including to describethe persecutions against Catholic priests during the Penal Laws (John Patrick Prendergast1870). The expression, however, was used by William Butler Yeats, as the title of one of hispoems in 1937 (Yeats 1938). This poem drew from the Irish language poetry tradition, ascommentors have noted its resemblance with two poems, the anonymous ‘Cill Chais’(‘Kilcash’) and, professional bard, Aogán Ó Rathaille’s ‘Cabhair ní ghairfead’ (‘No help I’llcall’), both laments about the end of an old Irish order and dating from the eighteenthcentury (Cade-Stewart 2015). Interestingly, various articles in the corpus refer to this Irishlanguage poetry tradition, and Cromwell’s name is mentioned in articles about Ó Rathaille.When looking at the occurrences in which the word ‘curse’ appears, capitalised and not, wecan observe that all these occurrences appeared from 1938. While it is possible that othercriteria might have inuenced the authors to use this expression, it is still a non-negligeablepossibility that the main inuence was Yeats’s poem, as his poetry in general is discussedabundantly in the periodical, with 11 occurrences of the criterium 'Yeats' in this sub-corpus.His poem inuenced the meaning of the expression, moving from a personal curse to thesymbol of this curse, and of Cromwell, for the loss of Irish identity following the Englishcolonisation (Cade-Stewart 2015). Overall, the use of this expression can be connected withthe renewal of interest in Irish folklore in the nineteenth and early twentieth century innationalist movements, as this interest was linked to an idea of the loss of an imaginedidentity.This theme of identity loss is recurrent in the corpus, and is directly connected toCromwell’s representations. According to Barnard, the adjective ‘Cromwellian’ would havebeen used to describe Protestants in general (Barnard 1993). Following his idea, the analysisof the word ‘Cromwellian’ showed a direct connection between the use of Cromwell’s name717273
and the concept of loss, mainly focused on the loss of identity or cultural tradition. Table 18below presents the co-occurrences of the word ‘Cromwellian’, with a distance of 1 before andafter, and minimum occurrences of 1, to produce all the direct co-occurrents.One lexical eld that appears from this table is of words relating to the question of the landsettlement, with the words ‘Settlement’, ‘settlers’, ‘settlement’, ‘re-settlement’, ‘planter’ and‘planters’. These results seem to conrm the use of this adjective to mention the landsettlement question beyond the impact of Cromwell, especially seeing the words‘Elizabethan’ and ‘Williamite' appear there too. Like Cromwell, Elizabeth I and William ofOrange were credited in Irish memory for being the main monarchs accountable for thePlantations of Ireland, which were deemed to be the beginning of a physical Englishcolonisation on the country (Bartlett 2011). Irish nationalism in the nineteenth and earlytwentieth century was focused on the land question, and the association betweendispossession and English colonisation, through the name of these specic monarchs, wasstill made after the independence (Dooley, McCarthy 2015). This is conrmed by co-occurrences such as ‘adventurers’, ‘grantee’, ‘depriving’, ‘debentures’, ‘despoliation’, ‘deprived’or ‘occupation’, all of which suggest this connection made between Cromwell’s name and theloss of lands. The word ‘adventurers’, due to its connotations, necessitated further analysis.As expected, the two occurrences of ‘Cromwellian adventurers’ are used to qualify peoplewho would have gained land following the Cromwellian campaigns. The word adventurerwas used in modern historiography to refer to the investors who loaned money to theBritish Crown to pay for the war against the insurgents following the 1642 Adventurers’ Act.They were promised a return in investment by the eviction and the sharing of the lands ofCatholic rebels (Ó Siochrú 2009). According to Ó Siochrú, by the end of the Cromwelliancampaigns, the debt the government held towards these adventurers was very high, andthey owed money not only to investors in England but also to the soldiers who fought, andwere still present in Ireland, which led in 1652 to the Act of Settlement, and the eviction of alarge number of Catholics to distribute their lands to these adventurers (Ó Siochrú 2009).This theme, and the use of that word, appears to not have been uncommon in the rst partof the twentieth century, as when Karl Bottigheimer published his article on the topic in1967, he used a number of sources published on that topic in the rst decades of thecentury (Bottigheimer 1967). Prendergast’s book also made a wide use of this word. It istherefore not surprising to see it appear in the Capuchin Annual, but still necessary toexamine how exactly they were portrayed in the periodical.Text ID|Extract ---|--- 31Y|It had made the executive power independent by providing fornew perpetual taxes which, added to the annual revenue and to the rents retained by theKing in re-granting their estates to the Cromwellian adventurers, increased the state ofaffairs was a preparation for some not inconsiderable progress in control which took placein the reign of Queen Anne, when, with mounting expenditure, the permanent HereditaryRevenues were becoming year by year more inadequate, and the increasing importance ofthe " additional duties " granted by Parliament gave the Commons a growing inuence(Moynihan 1931). 35B|But when one O'Rourke was proscribed, made a fugitive and nallyhanged as a malefactor at Tyburn because he refused the request of the English to surrenderor slay some Spanish fugitives who had thrown themselves under his protection after theArmada, and when his son, Brian of the Battle Axes, after an adventurous career which isfamiliar, most of it spent in avenging his father's death, went down in the general nationalruin which followed the battle of Kinsale, his lands being divided among the Englishadventurers, the name of an O'Rourke was connected with the nal triumph as well as thebeginnings of the English invasion (Murray 1935). 35B|With Ballintogher and Collooney, thiswas one of the chain of important strongholds of the English adventurers (Murray 1935).38D|The greed was stimulated. Ireland became a happy-hunting-ground for wretched7576
traders, adventurers, and Dublin was their tent (MacManus 1938). 44T|Mounted forveneration amidst a people struggling against a horde of adventurers known as "Undertakers, " whose only creed and policy was selshness and spoliation this statueinspired fortitude and the joy of grace in the hour of darkness; when the powers of thatdarkness prevailed this statue lay buried for generations (MacLeod 1950). 50K|Oliver wascalled Cromwell in honour of the wealthy side of his ancestry, but was " alias Williams " tohis life's end. He was the most able, the most forceful, the most ruthless of all the caste ofadventurers who plundered the Church and the poor-those who overthrew the ancientkingship lest it bring back popular liberty and the old religion (de Blacam 1950). 52D|TheNorman-French culture of these adventurers would eventually have been merged in thevirile Gaelic of their environment and no great harm would have been done to the Irish wayof life. (Normandy eventually gave France some of the best type of Frenchman.)Unfortunately, because of the national disunity, they became the spearhead of the mainbody of the invaders who themselves persistently attempted to weld this country into aunit as the realm of a foreign overlord and with a foreign culture (Breathnach 1952). 52J|Thestone houses abutting the city walls were made tenantless; the Coppingers, the Kents, theGalways, the Martells, the Roches, the Sarselds made way for the Cromwellian adventurers,the Tuckeys, the Kifts, the Knapps, the Lavitts, the Crones. Catholic remnants in the narrowlanes within and without the city heard the Puritan orators proclaim the gloomy message ofpredestination and declare the theocratic mission of the Lord Protector (Walsh 1952).58S|The rst, a surge of Elizabethan adventurers, greedy for the fat land of the outlawedmonasteries; the second, a tidal bore of Cromwellian Puritans, sated with the blood ofPapists at home and in Ireland (O'Connor 1958). 68H|English statesmen too lightly assumedthat America was just a convenient outlet for " greedy appetites ", convicts, undesirables,and bankrupts, whereas many of them were " knight adventurers " in quest of liberty-religious, political, and economic (Paschal 1968). 76E|Those adventurers who had advancedmoney to suppress the Irish rebellion were repaid in Irish land (Cronin 1976). 76E|After theRestoration some 7, 500 ex-Cromwellian ofcers and soldiers and 500 adventurers had theirtitles to Irish estates conrmed by Charles II (Cronin 1976).These twelve extracts show the word ‘adventurer’ used in a negative sense. It is directlyassociated with a nancial question, and it is associated with the English colonisationprocess, as it is explicitly noted in the rst extract of 35B. The ‘adventurers’ are describednegatively, with the words ‘hordes’ and the association with greed. Most are directlyassociated with either Elizabeth I or Cromwell, although one refers to the Anglo-Normansettlement in Ireland, and one refers to the English colonisation process in North America.Cromwell himself is seen as the worst of the adventurers. It is possible that the word,instead of being used in the specic historical context of the investors of the 1642Adventurers Act, would have been used in a negative sense to describe the English investorsin a colonisation process, in Ireland but also abroad. The gure of the adventurer has beenwidely studied, especially in relation to its representations, and to its associations withcolonialism (Venayre 2001). Venayre, basing his denition on Vladimir Jankélévitch’s work,determines that in the French context, the colonisation process is not recognised as anadventure from the end of the nineteenth century (Jankélévitch, Barillas, Guinfolleau, Worms2017). Based on Susanne Roth’s analysis, he also notes how this gure becomes mainlypositive at this time period, while it was negative in the eighteenth century (Venayre 2001).The major difference in this representation of adventurers, compared to the French contextanalysed by the historiography, shows the distinct impact of postcolonialism in post-Independence Ireland. While a colonial state such as France would have representedadventures as something ‘exotic’ and distinct from the colonisation process, a colonisedstate, such as Ireland, would have perceived the coloniser as an adventurer, in the sense of aforeigner settling in and using a land that should not belong to them, while considering the77
‘natives’ as other. By using the word ‘adventurers’ in a larger context as the Englishcoloniser, they associated colonisation in Ireland and abroad with the memory of Cromwell’sviolent campaign.The loss of an imagined identity is present in multiple forms in the corpus. Through theanalysis of the metadata, we can note the focus on the Irish language (‘Gaeilge’) with 59occurrences, and the emphasis on identity in general, with ‘Identity’ having 65 occurrences,as shown in table 20 below, indicating the recurrence of this theme in the corpus.To examine the mentions of the Irish language in the corpus, the co-occurrences of the word‘language’ were analysed in TXM, with a maximal distance of 1 to reveal the closest co-occurrents. The results of this analysis are shown in table 21 below. Excluding the stop-word‘the’, the two most frequent co-occurrents to ‘language’ in this corpus are ‘Irish’ and‘English’, showing the importance of this theme of linguistic colonisation in connection toCromwell. The other co-occurrents conrm this idea, with words such as ‘native’, ‘learned’,‘Gaelic’, ‘everyday’, ‘living’, ‘national’ or ‘foreign’.The analysis of the concordances of ‘English language’ in table 22 shows this oppositionbetween the English language and the Irish language, as we can see in the table above withthe references to bilingualism and the Gaeltacht, in 42S and 45X respectively (Father MichaelO.F.M. Cap. 1942, Ó Boyle 1945). While the English language in itself is not presentednegatively, there is an emphasis on its propagation in Ireland, and on the literary impact ofIrish authors who wrote in the English language. It would seem therefore that even whenwriting about the English language, the language of the Irish was the main backgroundtheme. The examination of the co-occurrences to ‘literature’ conrms this idea, with thepredominance of words and names related to Irish literature.The co-occurrents ‘Gaelic’ and ‘bardic’ indicate a focus on early-modern literature written inthe Irish language, conrmed by the examination of the contexts of these co-occurrences.This coincides with the occurrences of articles, mostly essays, focusing on early-modern Irishpoets such as Aogán Ó Rathaille (c. 1670-c. 1728), remembered for his many laments on thefall of the traditional Irish order following the Jacobites defeat in 1691 (Lillis 2009). ÓRathaille is mentioned in 6 texts in the corpus. Interestingly, other gures representative ofthis early-modern Irish culture, such as the musician Turlough O’Carolan (1670-1738) andEoghan Rua Ó Súilleabháin (1748-1784) are also mentioned in 6 articles, not all of themmentioning these gures at the same time, showing an interest, while minor, in these guresin a more global theme of Irish language and literature. As Elliott noted, modern Irishnationalism imagined itself to be a cultural continuation of bardic poetry and early-modernoral literature in the Irish language (Elliott 2009). This connection was made especially in thecontext of the Catholic ght for Irish identity, against Protestantism. It was therefore logicalof the Capuchin Annual, as a Catholic nationalist periodical, to take an interest in ‘Gaelicliterature’.The connection to Cromwell on this theme is often distant, as he is associated with the endof this traditional cultural order, and more generally to persecutions. In the 1945-6 issue,three articles focused specically on Ó Rathaille, possibly commissioned by Father Senan,and while Ó Rathaille did not live during the Cromwellian campaigns, all three authorsemphasize the impact Cromwell and his armies had on the poet and on Ireland in his time.One of the authors, Rev. Fr. Michael mentions ‘the curse of Cromwell’ on two occasions, in aparagraph connecting the suffering of the Irish people and the Jewish people (The Rev. Fr.Michael, O.F.M. Cap. 1945). This comparison is not uncommon in early-modern literature, andappears on various occasions in the Capuchin Annual (*Ó Tuama, Kinsella *). Another author,7880838586
Benedict Kiely, connects directly Cromwell and his forces to Ó Rathaille’s life (Kiely 1945).Cromwell and the ‘Cromwellians’ are mentioned in 8 occurrences over the article, as they areblamed for the destructions in Kerry, the death of another poet, Piaras Feiritéar, for thePenal Laws and for the destruction of Muckross Abbey, where Ó Rathaille was buried. As acomparison, William of Orange, a contemporary of Ó Rathaille, is only mentioned once.Despite the anachronism, Kiely presents Cromwell as the main evil in Ó Rathaille’s story.Aodh de Blácam, the third author, does not connect Cromwell to Ó Rathaille directly (deBlacam 1945). He only mentions Cromwell in the historical context of Ó Rathaille’s poetry,indicating that Cromwell and his campaigns were responsible for the end of the ‘Irishprincipalities’, and that the gentry, both native Irish and Anglo-Irish, fought againstCromwell but was defeated. With these occurrences, de Blácam focuses on the image ofCromwell as the responsible for the destruction of the old Irish gentry, of which dependedthe bardic community Ó Rathaille belonged to.In the Capuchin Annual, Cromwell’s name had a much larger signicance than a simplerepresentation of this specic gure. He was associated with events and gures he had noconnection to, as he became an a-temporal symbol of the negative impact of Englishcolonisation on Irish identity.Cromwell and the racialisation of Irish identityIn this corpus, the theme of a native identity, as opposed to an invaders’ identity, isomnipresent. This theme is linked to an idealised vision of a past that was destroyed byEnglish colonisers, of which Cromwell is identied as the representative and the mainculprit. It is representative of an idealised sense of a collective Irish identity, based on asupposed ancient race, different from the race of the coloniser, used as a justication fortheir independence ght (Brubaker 2012). Leersen has argued that in the nineteenth century,the ‘settlers’ and the ‘natives’ identities merged to create a new ‘Irish’ category, which wasmade possible by the long existence of ‘hybrid’ groups such as the Anglo-Normans (Leerssen1996). One of the main ndings of this research is that the Capuchin Annual reverted to aracialised discourse, possibly for their diaspora audience, which formed an important part oftheir authorship and readership. Nelson has argued that the racialised discourse of Irishidentity formed mainly in the North American diaspora, as a response to stereotypes, and asa way to distance themselves from the African American population (Nelson 2012). Over 63authors on which a simplied prosopographical work was realised, 14 were part of thediaspora, or 22 per cent, with 4 having lived in or being from North America. The connectionof the periodical with the diaspora might therefore have been signicant enough that thisracialised discourse would have permeated their discourse on Irish identity. It is alsopossible that some authors of the periodical, whether living in Ireland or not, would haveagreed on this idea of a specic distinctive Irish race, which was marked by its Catholicityand separate from the Protestant coloniser (Elliott 2009).In the analysis of the co-occurrences of ‘literature’ in table 23, we noted the presence of theword ‘Anglo-Irish’. This identity group is dened by Leerssen as the ‘middle-nation’, anhybrid group situated in between native and colonisers’ identities (Leerssen 1996). He notesthat Anglo-Irish literature was considered to have the same intermediary status. In thiscorpus, the word 'Anglo-Irish' presents interesting characteristics. With 41 occurrences, it isused to describe various people, as it describes the Normans, the English and Scottishsettlers, and the British in general who settled in Ireland over the years. Overall, contrary to87888990
Leerssen’s theory, ‘Anglo-Irish’ is not used as an intermediary but as an opposition to‘native’ Irish.An examination of the word ‘Anglo-Irish’ through the concordance tool, shows a highnumber of occurrences of words relating to the gentry. Over the 40 occurrences, 7 refer tothe gentry, through the use of expressions such as ‘Anglo-Irish nobility’ or ‘great Anglo-Irishfamily’. The term is also used adjectivally in the cultural sense, with references to ‘Anglo-Irish poets’. In terms of identity, the texts in the corpus nuance between the ‘Catholic Anglo-Irish’, who would have suffered from the Cromwellian campaigns and from the Williamitewars like the poor native Irish, and the ‘Anglo-Irish Protestant’, who is most often presentedas a ‘noble’ and a landlord.This opposition between native and colonisers’ identities is also symbolised by thelinguistic opposition of ‘Gaels’ and ‘Galls’. Leerssen notes that commenters of early-modernIrish poetry such as Aodh de Blácam connected their use of these two terms to anopposition between two distinct races (Leerssen 1996). In the corpus, while ‘Gall’ only has 21occurrences, ‘Gael’ has 5 co-occurrences with it. The Gaels and the Galls are often usedtogether, with sentences such as ‘new Gall and old Gael’, ‘Gael against Gall’ or ‘Gael and Gall’.The authors do not specify who they englobe in the word ‘Gall’, as it holds multiplemeanings. This word in the Irish language is translated by Padraig Ó Duinnin as ‘a foreigner,a Dane, an Anglo-Norman, an Englishman; a Protestant’ (Dineen 1904). Overall, it is used todesignate those who are not native Irish, in the general sense. The use of this word shows aracialisation of Irish nationalism in the discourse of the authors, as they oppose the race ofthe Gaels, as historically legitimate, to the race of the ‘Gall’, who are others. It also reiteratesthe impact of early-modern literary tradition on the construction of the post-independenceIrish identity imagined in this periodical.The word ‘race’ itself is commonly used in the corpus, with 130 occurrences, but it is mostlyused in a historical sense. This was determined by the analysis of the co-occurrents to theword with a distance of 10, as presented in Table 25 below.The word ‘race’ is mostly used in association with specic historical contexts, specicallyassociated with the history of an Irish family, such as ‘Lughaidh’ or ‘O’Dowd’. This isconrmed by the high co-occurrences of words such as ‘noble’ or ‘pride’. Words such as ‘lore’and ‘ancient’ appear to conrm this temporal focus. The co-occurrence with ‘Gaels’ is muchlower, with 2 co-occurrences, both of which refer to the Gaels ghting to save the race, with‘We need a company of Gaels who will defend the honour of our race in the battle that isbefore us (...)’ (Father Michael O.F.M. Cap. 1942) and ‘The scribes who wrote the tales wereGaels reviling the race they had conquered but couldn’t keep down’ (O'Connor 1950). It ispossible that the word ‘race’ itself would have been used in a more distant and academicway, while more specic words such as ‘Gael’, ‘Gall’ or ‘Anglo-Irish’ would have been used toconvey an imagined racial identity.This racialisation becomes more visible in some articles, such as Douglas Newton’s ction(Newton 1950). In this story, Newton writes of an Irish man, Conal Huiginn, visiting aCaribbean island, as he looks for the descendants of the Irish population deported duringearly-modern times, and specically by Elizabeth I and Cromwell. He then comes across ahidden place, where the Irish population has lived protected from outside inuence sincethe seventeenth century, staying true to their Gaelic race and traditions. Huiginn thenbecomes the ruler of this hidden place, as he happened to be the descendant of the Irishhigh kings. This story symbolises the racialisation of the nationalist discourse, whichpresents identity as linked to a traditional system and to lineage, while any outside9293949697
inuence is seen as a perversion of the true Irish identity. In Newton’s story, Huiginn rstcomes across ‘Irish Indians’, who would be the descendants of the Irish deported, but hadintermarried with the local populations. He declares that:"Gaelic words," he said. "And they have the lilt. Their features, too. Under theirdarkness they might be men of the Western Isles. And yet-and yet they aren'tright."(Newton 1950)This population ‘aren’t ‘right’ to his understanding of national identity, as despite keepingsome aspects of Irish identity such as the language, because of inter-marriage they did notstay Irish. The author focuses on their physical appearance, and correlates Irishness withwhiteness, as despite having the same features as ‘men of the Western Isles’, they could notbe considered Irish. This text represents an ideal Irish identity as a whole, based onimagined traditions, and preserved from the inuence of the outside world. It alsocorroborates the idea that this racialisation of Irishness was made as a dissociation withAfrican Americans identity, with this focus on skin colour and physical features. Cromwell, inthis text, is shown as responsible for the deportation of this population and theirenslavement through the indenture, however Elizabeth I is presented in the same position.Interestingly, Douglas Newton, according to his biography in the Capuchin Annual, washimself born in London, despite being ‘of Irish origin and a great-great nephew of ThomasMoore’ (Capuchin Annual 1950). The biography does not specify further his links to Ireland.This shows the impact of the Irish diaspora in the denition of Irish identity.This corpus shows that Irish identity was perceived by some of the Capuchin Annual’sauthors as a racial question. The opposition between the native Irish race and thecolonisers’ race was understood to have originated in the early-modern period, and to havebeen accentuated by English colonisation at the time, symbolised by Cromwell. The negativeperception of an intermediary race, with the representations of ‘Anglo-Irish’, could besymptomatic of the difculties encountered by a post-independence Ireland to dene itsown identity, with the insistence of authors both in Ireland and in the diaspora on the ideaof a pure Irish race that would have survived despite the colonisation period.The political and geopolitical signications of Cromwell:analysing the contextHistory of representations presupposes that the cultural source should be understood in itscontext. This methodology allowed us to contextualise the texts in the corpus to provide abetter understanding of the larger signicance of Cromwell’s representations.The rst analysis was conducted to examine the impact of the editors of the CapuchinAnnual. As mentioned in the introduction, the inuence of the second editor, Father Henry,from the 1952 issue, led to a return to religious themes, and, as Perkins analysed, a lesserfocus on political and cultural content in the Capuchin Annual (Perkins 2012). The thematicalshift in the periodical could have been pivotal in the representations of Cromwell, and toexamine this idea an analysis of the mentions of Cromwell per issue was made.The gures below show the number of articles mentioning Cromwell in each issue gure 1,followed then by a specic account of the issues published under Father Senan’s editorshipgure 2, and the ones published under Father Henry’s gure 3. Figure 1 indicates that there9899100101102103104
was indeed a shift following the 1953-4 issue, as Cromwell was not mentioned in the 1955and 1956 issues. However, that shift was not permanent, as the topic of Cromwell came backstrongly in 1958 and 1959, with 4 issues each.Editor|Number of issues|Number of articles|Ratio ---|---|---|--- Father Senan|20|42|2.1 FatherHenry|24|50|2.08Looking at the ratio of articles per editor in table 26, we can note that there is no signicantdifference in the number of mentions of Cromwell per editor. This data nuances thehypothesis formulated by earlier historiography, according to which the periodical wouldhave mostly switched from nationalist content, as the gure of Cromwell, an importantgure in the nationalist narrative, was still being written about following the change ineditorship. Further analysis of the dataset was conducted to examine the representations ofother elements of the nationalist narrative.Three nationalist events were selected in the metadata criteria: ‘SixteenFortyOne’, for the1641 rebellion which concluded with Cromwell’s campaigns; ‘SeventeenNinetyEight’ for the1798 rebellion; and ‘NineteenSixteen’ for the 1916 Easter Rising, all three being recurrentthemes in the nationalist rhetoric and in the periodical. The metadata was separated byissue year in two sections, one for each editor, the sum of these mentions was made, andthen this sum was divided by the number of issue years in that section, 20 for Father Senanand 24 for Father Henry, resulting in an indicative ratio.Editor|1641|1798|1916 ---|---|---|--- Senan|0.55|0.4|0.3 Henry|0.71|0.5|0.63As it can be noted, the ratio is much higher for the articles published under Father Henry’seditorship. But these articles which exhibit a change in the representations of Cromwellmust be considered alongside nationalist events in the second part of the twentieth centuryafter Ireland was declared a Republic in 1949. Another undeniable inuence was the 1916Easter Rising commemorations, which had a major impact on Father Henry’s editorship.While the hypothesis of the change in editorship representing a thematical shift in theCapuchin Annual should not be dismissed, its impact was not as important on Cromwell’srepresentations, and more largely on the nationalist narrative of the periodical, as otherexternal events, such as politics and geopolitics.The impact of geopolitical events was conrmed by the patterns emerging from the datapresented in Graph 1. Indeed, Cromwell is more mentioned in some specic time periods,such as the 1940s and 1970s. These time periods also happen to be times of conict on thequestion of the border and of the occupation of Northern Ireland. To analyse thisconnection in more details, some criteria relating to this question were analysed: ‘IRA’,‘NorthernIreland’, ‘Partition’ and ‘SinnFein’.A comparison between Graph 4 and Graph 1 shows that the time patterns are similar. Whilethe highest numbers in the Graph 1 do not appear in Graph 4, we can still see that thecriteria relating to Northern Ireland appear in the 1940s and 1970s. The highest numbers inGraph 4 do not correspond to the highest number in Graph 1, which indicates that thispattern is not only statistical, but reveals an interest in the Northern Ireland question in theperiodical, in relation to Cromwell, during these time periods. It is interesting to note thatthese three time periods were years of active political and geopolitical conicts on thatquestion. Indeed, between 1942 and 1944, the IRA launched a military campaign in NorthernIreland. The Fianna Fáil government, led by Éamon de Valera, condemned these attacksstrongly, and participated in the arrest of IRA members. This revived the debate in108109110111112113115
nationalist circles. Father Senan, among others, took a stand by participating in the Anti-Partition movement, and became a member of the Irish Propaganda Bureau (IrishPropaganda Bureau c. 1940s). In the 1940s, the Capuchin Annual published various articlesdescribing the persecutions of Catholics in Northern Ireland, which culminated in thepublication of a pamphlet in 1943, The Orange Terror ('Ultach' 1943). It is worth noting thatCromwell’s military campaigns did not involve Ulster, yet he was evoked by the authors andthe editor in their mission to inform the Irish and the diaspora readership of twentiethcentury Catholic persecutions in the North.The association of Cromwell with this narrative of Catholic persecutions also explains thehigher mentions from 1968, as they correspond with the beginning of ‘the Troubles’. The year1972, which happened to be the issue year with the highest occurrence number of Cromwellin this dataset, is considered to be a year of peak violence in the conict (Bew, Bew 2018).Elliott observes that the Troubles revived this persecutions narrative, and through it theassociation of Irish identity with Catholicism, as a defence against English colonisation(Elliott 2009). Interestingly, the Capuchin Annual did not mention the Troubles directly, andit is argued here that Cromwell was used symbolically in reference to current events. Thereadership of the periodical were aware of this sub-text, as the association of Cromwell withEnglish colonisation and Catholic persecutions had been long-established in the Irish andIrish diaspora narrative. Mentions of Cromwell were deliberately placed in an effort toremind readers of historical persecutions to ename emotions and push readers to supportthe nationalist cause, morally and nancially. This dual goal was admitted by the editors inthe publication of their pamphlet The Orange Terror, and it would seem logical that mostarticles on Catholic persecutions would have had that same goal ('Ultach' 1943).A sub-corpus focusing on the texts having either one of the criteria connected to NorthernIreland specied above was created using TXM to analyse in details the representations ofCromwell in connection to these events. The concordances of the name ‘Cromwell’, presentedbelow, showed interesting elements.We should note that most mentions appear in Aodh de Blacam’s biography of Cromwell, 50K(de Blacam 1950). Some of the other references compare Cromwell with other gures orevents, specically associated with Irish nationalism or opposants to nationalism, such asWilliam of Orange and the Jacobites rebellion in 1689 in 43N, 45AA and 72Q (Allen 1943,Kennedy 1945, Ó Luanaigh 1972. Some mentions appear to focus on a contemporary time,evaluating the effects of Cromwell’s persecutions on Ireland, with 43N, 68X, 70A, 72O and 72Q(Allen 1943, Ó Fiaich 1968, Herbert 1970, Allen 1972, Ó Luanaigh 1972). A lot of the mentionsalso refer to Cromwell as a military leader, and overall refer to military questions. WhileNorthern Ireland in itself is only mentioned directly on two occasions, with ‘Derry’ in 43Nand ‘Antrim’ in 45AA, both referring to battles in the 1689-91 Jacobites War, this emphasis onwar in general appears to conrm that Cromwell’s representations could have been used aspart of a propaganda narrative related to the border situation (Allen 1943, Kennedy 1945).Cromwell’s representations had a larger signicance than most other gures, and theanalysis of the context of these mentions provide us with a better understanding of hisspecic place in the nationalist narrative.Conclusion116117119120121
This article used a combination of history of representations, critical discourse analysis andcorpus linguistics to analyse the representations of Oliver Cromwell in the Capuchin Annual.This analysis showed the nuances of his representations, as Cromwell is in a way absentfrom the corpus, but his name is used to carry negative connotations and as a broadereuphemism for the brutalism associated with English colonisation. The authors of theperiodical used this negative symbolism to carry their opinions in specic political andgeopolitical contexts, specically as propaganda to denounce the persecutions of Catholicsin Northern Ireland. Overall, Cromwell’s representations are representative of the difcultiesfor post-colonial Ireland to dene its collective identity.The memory of a gure such as Cromwell is complex, and the methodology presented in thisarticle allowed to analyse it thoroughly. The linguistic analysis permits us to value absencesas well as presences: for example, the dehumanisation of Cromwell, through his absence ofspecic representations, and the connotations of his name, while exposing the mechanismsof nationalist propaganda and its biases. The metadata permitted the contextualisation ofthe sources, to anchor the analysis in a more global perspective. The criteria in the detailedmetadata also allowed to examine how the authors, through Cromwell’s name, tried todene Irish identity. Although the analysis presented here is only an overview of themultiple possibilities of analysis within this dataset, it presents a clear picture of therepresentations of Cromwell in the Capuchin Annual and of the possibilities that such amethod can present to analyse concepts such as identity and nationalism in historical texts.BibliographyAllen, M.. “Visual Education in an Irish Environment”. Capuchin Annual, no. 1972, pp. 204–14.Allen, M.. “Where Lagan Streams...”. Capuchin Annual, no. 1943.Baker, P.and E. Levon. “Picking the Right Cherries? A Comparison of Corpus-based andQualitative Analyses of News Articles About Masculinity”. Discourse & Communication, vol. 9,no. 2, pp. 221–36, https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481314568542.Barnard, T.. “Irish Images of Cromwell”. Images of Oliver Cromwell. Essays for and by RogerHowell, Jr, edited by R. C. Richardson, Manchester University Press, p. 288.Bartlett, T.. Ireland: A history. Reprint edition, Cambridge University Press.Beiner, G.. Forgetful Remembrance: Social Forgetting and Vernacular Historiography of aRebellion in Ulster. First Edition., Oxford University Press.Beiner, G.. Remembering the Year of the French: Irish Folk History and Social Memory.University of Wisconsin Press.Bew, P.and J. Bew. “War and Peace in Northern Ireland: 1965–2016”. The Cambridge History ofIreland: Volume 4: 1880 to the Present, edited by Thomas Bartlett, vol. 4, CambridgeUniversity Press, pp. 441–75, https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-history-of-ireland/war-and-peace-in-northern-ireland-19652016/E36B4405654C0EE924F74B01C7EFFB41.Bottigheimer, K. S.. “English Money and Irish Land: The "adventurers" in the CromwellianSettlement of Ireland”. Journal of British Studies, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 12–27,https://www.jstor.org/stable/175378.122123
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Published Online: 2022-04-12
Published in Print: 2021-09-01

© 2022 Maëlle Le Roux, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Artikel in diesem Heft

  1. On pyramids, prisms, and scalable reading
  2. Digital history of representations: analysing identity and nationalism in the Capuchin Annual periodical (1930-1977)
  3. The Nameless Crowds: Using Quantitative Data and Digital Tools to Study the Ancient Vocabulary of the Crowd in Tacitus
  4. Topic-specific corpus building: A step towards a representative newspaper corpus on the topic of return migration using text mining methods
  5. Inscriptions as data: digital epigraphy in macro-historical perspective
  6. Twitter and feminist commemoration of the 1916 Easter Rising
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https://doi.org/10.1515/jdh-2021-1002
Schlagwörter für diesen Artikel
representations; linguistics; Ireland; identity
Creative Commons
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Artikel in diesem Heft

  1. On pyramids, prisms, and scalable reading
  2. Digital history of representations: analysing identity and nationalism in the Capuchin Annual periodical (1930-1977)
  3. The Nameless Crowds: Using Quantitative Data and Digital Tools to Study the Ancient Vocabulary of the Crowd in Tacitus
  4. Topic-specific corpus building: A step towards a representative newspaper corpus on the topic of return migration using text mining methods
  5. Inscriptions as data: digital epigraphy in macro-historical perspective
  6. Twitter and feminist commemoration of the 1916 Easter Rising
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