Abstract
The landscapes of the Sasanian Empire have been studied in detail and have been remarkably well interpreted during past few decades. Recent research in borderland areas has also increased our knowledge of Sasanian policies in borderlands. The Sasanian Empire is well known for massive construction work. Projects such as construction of fortifications and defensive walls, irrigation systems, fortified towns and cities in the Sasanian period usually are attributed to the reigns of Kawad I and his son Husraw I Anushirwan in the sixth century. This attribution mostly derives from historical documents in which Husraw is seen as primarily responsible for these massive projects. Recent archaeological researches in the Gorgān plain in the northeast of Iran and in Mughan Steppe in Iranian Azerbaijan have demonstrated the possibility of dating these projects earlier in the fifth century. This is significant because it may shed more light on the socio-political dynamics of the Sasanian Empire. Focusing on the Caucasus, especially on data acquired from the Mughan Steppe projects, I will try to place this new data and information in its socio-political context and reconsider earlier notions on borderlands of the Sasanian Empire. Regardless of insecurity in borderlands, the Sasanian Empire heavily invested in these areas. In this article, reviewing historical documents and archaeological data, I will argue that the imperial investments in the borderland areas represent a multi-purpose plan.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the co-organizers of the workshop Richard Payne and Mehrnoush Soroush for their gracious invitation to participate in the workshop and the hospitality extended by ISAW, and I am grateful for the opportunity to participate in the workshop and contribute to this volume. Many thanks to the participants in the workshop and commentators especially Emily Hammer for her comments on an earlier draft of this chapter. I benefited greatly from the comments of and conversations with St. John Simpson, Donald Whitcomb, Scott McDonough, Jairus Banaji, and James Howard-Johnston. All errors are, of course, mine. I thank the participants of the workshop for their stimulating contributions to our deliberations about the Sasanian politics. My especial thanks go to Jason Ur who inspired and assisted me in the early stages of this research. This paper is based on research funded by the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR). I thank the ICAR and its late director, Dr. Massoud Azarnoush for funding and permission to carry out surveying and excavations in Mughan Steppe. Without that funding and support, this work would not have been possible.
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© 2014 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Frontmatter
- Editorial Introduction to Issue 2.2
- Articles
- The archaeology of Sasanian politics
- Borderland Projects of Sasanian Empire: Intersection of Domestic and Foreign Policies
- Merv, an archaeological case-study from the northeastern frontier of the Sasanian Empire
- The Sasanian state: the evidence of coinage and military construction
- Agriculture in Sasanian Persis: ideology and practice
- Landscape signatures in Sasanian archaeology
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Frontmatter
- Editorial Introduction to Issue 2.2
- Articles
- The archaeology of Sasanian politics
- Borderland Projects of Sasanian Empire: Intersection of Domestic and Foreign Policies
- Merv, an archaeological case-study from the northeastern frontier of the Sasanian Empire
- The Sasanian state: the evidence of coinage and military construction
- Agriculture in Sasanian Persis: ideology and practice
- Landscape signatures in Sasanian archaeology