Who Is Interested (or Not) in Church-Administered Lifecycle Rituals?

2.1 Religious Fit

Ritual theories emphasize the symbolic dimension of rituals. The various elements of rituals (language, actions, materiality, etc.) together constitute their symbolic meanings. In terms of the relationship between participants and ritual practice, Paul Post highlights the reciprocity of the

symbolic dimension through formalization, stylization, and their situation in place and time. On the one hand, individuals and groups express their ideas and ideals, their mentalities, and identities through these rituals, on the other hand, the ritual actions shape, foster, and transform these ideas, mentalities, and identities.^[11]

Those interested in the rituals engage with their religious symbols and give individual meaning to the ritual traditions.^[12] Despite the individual reception of ritual traditions, the symbolic space that rituals open up has certain centers and limits of meaning, and therein lies their religious profile. For example, church funerals, following the Christian belief in resurrection, typically include some form of notion of transcendence of life beyond death. Individuals who reject any form of transcendence may therefore find it difficult to relate to this Christian ritual tradition. Thus, the fit between individual religiosity and institutional religion should empirically predict ritual interest. I examine religious fit in three ways. First, ritual interest should be related both to a general Christian religiosity (H_1a) and to the specific religious meanings of each ritual occasion (H_1b):

H_1a: Individuals with a Christian-personal image of God show the highest interest in CALCRs, while atheists show the lowest interest. Agnostics and diffuse theists occupy a middle position.

An exclusively Christian orientation increases the interest in church funerals and church weddings.^[13]

H_1b: Belief in life after death predicts interest in church funerals.

Agreement with religious interpretations of baptism predicts interest in infant^[14] baptism.

The interpretation of infant baptism as a ritual of religious protection should also predict interest in church weddings.^[15]

Individuals who identify with the ethical values of the church are more likely to be interested in a church wedding.

Second, alternative beliefs and spiritual orientations are often associated with an interest in independent, non-church rituals.^[16] It is still unclear how the pluralization of religiosity and spirituality relates to the ecclesiastical form of rituals. A syncretistic pluralization would embrace church rituals, whereas exclusivity would tend to reject church rituals. I therefore formulate the research question:

H₂: How do alternative beliefs relate to interest in CALCRs?

Religious rites of passage mark a religious commemoration of life transitions.^[17] They represent a religious way of dealing with the transitions of human biographies. Because of this character, religious rituals should be more appealing to those who perceive a religious dimension to their life transitions. Conversely, individuals who interpret life’s liminal situations within a secular horizon should be less interested in religious lifecycle rituals.

H₃: Individuals who understand the birth of a child as a religious issue show an increased interest in infant baptism.

2.2 Family Composition and Family Biography, Kinship Orientation

Ronald Grimes says of the group dimension of rituals, “We can’t study a ritual without understanding the groups, both formal and informal, that run it, and without understanding how those groups interconnect with the social dynamics of the larger, surrounding society.”^[18]

Practical theologians have pointed to the importance of family and kinship for religious lifecycle rituals. Family and kinship are significant for the rituals in several ways:

Baptisms, weddings, and funerals construct religious meaning for the social life of couples and families. For the public staging of the rituals, the family involved enters the public sphere during the occasion of the ritual. In this sense, religious life cycle rituals enact a public performance of the family.^[19] The religious rituals are usually part of a larger day of celebration that enacts the doing of family. One can say that life cycle rituals are productions of families and by families.^[20]

Thus, family composition and family biography should influence ritual interest. Heterogeneous religious family composition should inhibit ritual interest because religious heterogeneity disrupts religious fit. Family constellations that deviate from the presumed social norm should inhibit ritual interest because the family involved may fear moral judgment for its deviance. This expectation is consistent with an ethnographic study showing how the communal experiences of divorced individuals within religious congregations were permeated by a sense of shame and aloneness.^[21] Moreover, conflictual family constellations may also inhibit interest in family celebrations associated with church rituals.^[22]

H₄: Religiously heterogeneous partnerships lower CALCR interest.

Divorced, single, and remarried individuals, as well as unmarried families, show lower average levels of CALCR interest.

The extent to which individuals value family and kinship sociability varies across the population.^[23] Valuing family and kinship contact should indicate a preference for family celebrations and thus influence interest in rituals.

H₅: Individuals who visit their family and relatives more often, indicating a kinship orientation, will show a higher level of interest in CALCR.

2.3 Relations with the Church Institution and its Representatives

Those who request a ritual perceive it as a ministry by the church. Thus, the individual’s level of identification with the church should be significant for ritual interest. Trust in the church as an institution should also play a role. Trust addresses the risk that poor ritual practice can lead to disappointment.

H₆: Church attachment and institutional trust will increase CALCR interest.

Pastors or other church personnel play a central role in the preparation, performance and reception of lifecycle rituals, as the empirical research on ritual reception has shown.^[24] It is to be expected that the cultural process of singularization has further increased the importance of the persona of ritual officiants, for those who request a ritual expect its unique staging from these actors. The ritual officiants are an integral part of the singularization trend of ritual culture. In the media communication of freelance ritual officiants, it is noticeable that they carefully stage their persona and thus meet a need of the ritual requesters.^[25]

H₇: Interest in CALCRs is diminished by negative experiences with pastors and other church personnel.

Conversely, personal contact with pastors and church personnel should stabilize interest. Such personal contacts can build trust and provide the impetus for a ritual request through information and invitation.

H₈: Personal contact with pastors and church personnel stabilize interest in CALCRs.

2.4 Conventionality

Conventionality as an appreciation of cultural traditions is related to Ritual tradition. Ritual tradition is part of the human ambivalence toward ritual.^[26] Tradition makes rituals repeatable, recognizable, and appealing, but also susceptible to empty routine.^[27] Under the social conditions of individualization, an individual’s choice of lifecycle ritual involves a conscious negotiation of cultural, familial, and religious conventions and traditions. Empirical research demonstrates such negotiations in the context of lifecycle rituals.^[28]

More specifically, using Max Weber’s typology, two types of how individuals relate to convention can be distinguished. The value-rational type, under the conditions of individualization, consciously affirms convention as a reasoned decision that could have turned out differently.^[29] It differs from a traditional relationship to convention, which remains largely unconscious and without alternative or justification. In the course of cultural change, the traditional type has undoubtedly declined, although it is still detectable in empirical studies. The conscious value-rational type has plausibly become dominant.

The following analysis includes conventionality without distinguishing between the two types. Both types should have effects in the same direction and can therefore be subsumed.

I suspect that interest in church rituals is motivated by a basic appreciation of tradition and convention. In contrast, seekers of independent, non-church rituals seem to value personal autonomy. They sometimes seek a deliberate break with church tradition. Autonomy-oriented and alternative milieus show a greater affinity for independent rituals.^[30]

Given that the degree of conventionality varies across social groups and lifestyles,^[31] I formulate the hypothesis:

H₉: Conventionality stabilizes CALCR interest.

2.5 Ritual Aesthetics

Catherine Bell describes rituals as aesthetic performances: ritual “performances communicate on multiple sensory levels, usually involving highly visual imagery, dramatic sounds, and sometimes even tactile, olfactory, and gustatory stimulation”^[32]. The interplay of different aesthetic media evokes “heightened multisensory experiences”^[33] during rituals.

This aesthetic dimension of rituals is, to some extent, subject to the pluralization of everyday aesthetics characteristic of contemporary culture. Milieu and lifestyle research has pointed to the aesthetic tensions within pluralized everyday aesthetics.^[34] The current trend of singularization has further increased cultural pluralization.^[35] Aesthetic tensions become apparent when an aesthetic expression that certain groups find appealing and beautiful is perceived as unattractive by other groups. To the extent that ritual aesthetics participate in everyday aesthetics, rituals also participate in the aesthetic tensions associated with everyday aesthetics. Consistent with this thesis, empirical studies have shown that participation in religious worship services depends in part on the fit between individually preferred musical styles and the musical styles in religious worship.^[36] Musical styles are to be understood here as components of more complex aesthetic schemes of everyday culture.

In recent years, however, the churches’ aesthetic practice of individually designing lifecycle rituals has adapted to the pluralization of everyday culture. The cooperative preparation of rituals together with families allows for an individually adapted aesthetic design.^[37] This continuing pluralization could mean that aesthetics does not lead to structural differences in ritual choices.

This is why I phrase it as an open question:

H₁₀: It remains to be seen to what extent individual aesthetic preferences structure CALCR interest.

2.6 Media Communication and Media Publics

The transformation of “deep mediatization”^[38] increases the importance of media communication also in the religious field. This leads to the question of whether media communication influences interest in religious lifecycle rituals. As case studies have shown, independent ritual agents use digital communication intensively for their marketing.^[39] Recently, mainline churches have increasingly integrated media communication into their ritual marketing strategies.

H₁₁: It is an open question to what extent media communication by the church and other media publics influence ritual interest.

2.7 Economic Situation

Ronald Grimes points to “the economics of ritual.”^[40] Not only do rituals involve economic logics of exchange, sacrifice, and reciprocity, but they also entail external costs. In the case of lifecycle rituals, the associated family celebrations often require a substantial financial investment. According to rational choice theory, costs influence decisions. Thus, a worse financial situation should reduce interest in lifecycle rituals. In a small study examining parents’ reasons for not baptizing their infants, 10 % of parents cited financial reasons as a barrier.^[41]

However, family celebrations may vary in cost. In some cases, church practice adapts to economic situations by offering free or low-cost baptismal celebrations. Unlike independent celebrants, mainline ministers do not charge a fee.

H₁₂: It is an open question to what extent the economic situation of the household structurally affects interest in Christian lifecycle rituals.

4.1 Religious Fit: The Symbolic Profiles of Lifecycle Rituals as One Factor of Ritual Choice

Most of the hypotheses of religious fit are confirmed (H_1ab; H₃). People associate Christian lifecycle rituals with specific profiles of religious meaning. Individuals position themselves in relation to the rituals depending on how the symbolic dimension of the ritual aligns with their individual religiosity.

Ritual choices carry a significant religious dimension in two ways:^[45] First, general Christian religiosity underlies all three ritual occasions. This can be seen in the differences in ritual interest that result from different conceptions of belief in God (Figure 2).

Second, interest in a particular ritual increases when people ascribe a specific religious meaning to it, in line with the particular symbolic profile of the ritual. In the case of funerals, this is evident in the effects of belief in an afterlife (Figure 3). For weddings, congruence with religious ethical values plays a role. When individuals ascribe the meaning of divine protection to the rituals, this increases interest in baptisms and weddings. Infant baptism is predicted by concern for the Christian upbringing of children as well as the perception of a religious dimension of birth.

These ritual-specific profiles can be related to Mary Douglas’ typology of ritual action styles.^[46] Many ritual seekers apparently understand baptism and wedding as an “appease and appeal”^[47] ritual, asking for divine protection and blessing. The influence of ethical values and interest in religious education of children show that the type of “ethical-moral”^[48] ritual adheres to weddings and baptisms. Such ethical-moral rituals include “admonishments to right action and right intention on an individual basis”^[49].

Alternative religious beliefs proved to be largely neutral for ritual interest (H₂). Beliefs in astrology, angels, and good spirits neither promote nor inhibit interest in baptisms, church funerals, and weddings. Christian lifecycle rituals thus seem to be compatible with these forms of religious pluralization, but without benefiting from them. This null effect may indicate that there is a balance between forms of alternative religiosity that reject church religiosity and forms of alternative religiosity that syncretistically incorporate church religiosity. It should also be noted that the indicators of alternative religiosity used here by no means cover the entire field of contemporary spirituality in its diversity. For lack of data, it is not possible to say how other forms of contemporary spirituality relate to interest in Christian lifecycle rituals.

Figure 2

Interest in Church Funerals and Weddings as a Function of Belief in God y-axis: modeled probability (p) for CALCR interest.

Figure 3

Interest in Church Funerals as a Function of Belief in Life after Death y-axis: modeled probability (p) for interest in church funerals.

4.2 Family and Kinship: The Challenge of Religious Heterogeneity and Changing Family Compositions

Statistically, family and partnership explain a considerable part of ritual interest. Ritual decisions are made within family constellations and against the background of family biographies. In this sense, Christian lifecycle rituals are indeed family rituals.

Religiously unaffiliated partners and any deviation from conventional family constellations and biographies prove to be serious challenges to the interest in Christian lifecycle rituals (H₄). Religious heterogeneity in partnerships primarily reduces interest in church wedding and baptism, and less so in church funerals (Figure 5).

Interest in baptism is significantly lower among unmarried families (Figure 5). However, the analysis could not confirm a reluctance to baptize among single parents. The small number of single parents in the sample (n=29) must be noted. It is known that single parents struggle with the normative family image associated with the church as a moral institution. Nevertheless, single parents are particularly attracted to the baptismal semantics of religious protection and belonging.^[50] Perhaps these two effects offset each other.

Divorce, separation and remarriage significantly reduce interest in church weddings. Remarriage also seems to be a barrier to church funerals. The above-average interest of widowed spouses in church funerals probably reflects their satisfaction with their spouse’s church funeral.

Family and kinship orientation plays a noticeable role in interest in baptism and wedding ceremonies (H₅). These rituals tend to be more attractive to individuals who value sociability with family and relatives.^[51] Again, the character of lifecycle rituals as family celebrations is evident.

Interest in baptism decreases when individuals associate the religiosity of their social environment with negative experiences. Friends and family can negatively influence ritual interest. Thus, the social context can work in both directions.

Figure 5

Interest in Baptism and Wedding as a Function of Family Composition and Family Biographyy-axis: modeled probability (p) for CALCR interest.

4.3 Relations with the Church Institution and its Representatives: Trust, Attachment, and Personal Contacts

As expected (H₆), interest in lifecycle rituals is rooted in a positive relationship with the institution of the church and its personal representatives.

The importance of institutional trust and attachment is confirmed (Figure 6), particularly for funerals and infant baptisms, and less so for weddings. The more individuals trust the church and feel they belong to it, the more likely they are to be interested in its rituals. Individuals attribute an ecclesial character to these lifecycle rituals, making the individual’s relationship with the institution critical to ritual interest.

In addition, personal contact with pastors and other church personnel stabilizes interest in baptism and church wedding (Figure 7). These contacts presumably build trust, inform, and invite.

In contrast to these positive effects, I find an aversion to church weddings when church members report negative experiences with church personnel. 3.9 % of church members report such negative experiences.

These empirical findings point to the importance not only of institutional attachment and trust, but also of the personal presence of ritual leaders in the preparation for rituals. Whether people perceive church rituals as relatable depends, in part, on the personal relatability of the ritual officiants.

Figure 6

Interest in Church Funeral and Baptism as a Function of Trust and Attachment to the Churchy-axis: modeled probability (p) for CALCR interest.

Figure 7

Interest in Church Wedding and Baptism as a Function of Pastoral Contact and Negative Experiences with Church Personnel y-axis: modeled probability (p) for CALCR interest.

4.4 Conventionality: A Driving Force for Ritual Interest

For all three rites, conventionality is an independent factor, confirming H₉. Conventionality is particularly important for interest in church funerals, moderately important for infant baptisms, and comparatively less important for church weddings. This is shown by the calculations in Figure 8, where the mid-mean, mean, and maximum values were used for all variables indicating conventionality. Individuals who value convention show, ceteris paribus, higher interest in Christian lifecycle rituals. I have already explained in 2.4 that a conventional orientation can be either an expression of an individualized value-rational attitude or of an unconscious traditional attitude.

Figure 8

Ritual Interest as a Function of Conventionality y-axis: modeled probability (p) for CALCR interest.

4.5 Ritual Aesthetics: Successful Pluralization

To empirically investigate the possible significance of aesthetic tensions in the face of pluralized everyday aesthetics (H₁₀), nine different music preferences were tested as predictors of ritual interest. The results showed no structural differences in ritual interest due to individual music preferences. The lack of an effect is notably different from patterns of regular Sunday worship attendance, which have been shown to be partially influenced by individual music preferences.^[52]

Thus, I find no evidence of barriers to Christian lifecycle rituals due to everyday aesthetics in Germany. This finding could mean that the current practice of church lifecycle rituals often succeeds in adapting to the aesthetics of ritual seekers through cooperative and individualized ritual design. The aesthetic practice of Christian lifecycle rituals in German mainline churches seems to have adapted to the pluralization of everyday aesthetics.

4.6 Media Publics and Media Communication: Not (Yet) Relevant to Ritual Interest?

To test for media effects, reading the local parish newsletter, regional church magazines, information about religious and church topics on the Internet and church websites, as well as positive and negative media influences were examined as predictors of interest in rituals. Despite this extensive operationalization, no positive media effects were found. This lack of media effects may indicate that church media communication has so far failed to effectively inform about and promote Christian lifecycle rituals. In recent communication strategies, church leadership in Germany has pushed to close this gap. It should be noted that the survey data is from 2012 and thus covers a time lag compared to current practice.

At one point, it becomes clear that media publicity does indeed influence interest in lifecycle rituals. Those who have gained a negative impression of religion and the church through the media show less interest in a church wedding (Table 1).

4.7 Economic Situation: No Financial Barriers to Family Celebrations?

In my analysis, ritual interest is not structurally related to the household’s financial situation, as measured by both objective income and subjective assessment of one’s financial condition. Given the hypothetical nature of the survey methodology, this finding should not be overstated at this point.