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Translation in pre-trial phases of the judicial process: developing a norm-based framework to train translators working into Arabic

  • Sonia Asmahène Halimi

    Sonia Asmahène Halimi has been professor at the Faculty of Translation and Interpreting (FTI), University of Geneva since 2013. With over 15 years in academia, she is an established teacher and researcher in pragmatic translation and translation in legal and economic fields (English-Arabic, French-Arabic). After a long experience as professional translator in the United Nations agencies and ICRC, she is presently head of the Arabic unit at the FTI. She has held several academic and administrative positions, including co-chair of the translation department, and head of the distance Bachelor program (e-Ba) in Multilingual communication and Master in specialized translation. Her research fields and publications encompass legal translation, natural language processing with Arabic, health communication, and teaching translation. She is member of the Centre of Legal and Institutional Translation Studies (Transius).

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Published/Copyright: June 15, 2023

Abstract

The present study examines the implications of judicial translation in the context of international migration and its relationship with the law of the host country. In this context, judicial translation involves highly sensitive documents that can be as varied as family registers and statutory declarations. It also refers to specific legal instances of interaction with judicial authorities in which the observance of certain communication norms is of paramount importance. This is particularly true in the strict setting of a judicial interview. This paper describes how translation is performed in a pre-trial police interview in which the communication of certain basic legal obligations becomes challenging for a migrant person, due to differences in legal backgrounds. In such a situation, the main question is as follows: how can differences in basic legal notions be dealt with in the particularly strict setting of a judicial interview with the assistance of a translator? To answer this question, the study focuses on a threefold challenge for the translator, who must be equipped to handle language, translation and legal/ethical norms. It proposes a translation framework based on these norms and the way in which they are applied in a real interview. It seeks to guide the translation task and serve as a tool for judicial translation training. With regard to the translation norm, the study shows that discursive creation is to be the most relevant technique to represent concepts that do not have counterparts in the target language. Although the foreign element in the new terminology may Ahighlight the boundary between the foreign law and the target legal institution, this technique also leads to the creation of new concepts in the target institution.

1 Introduction

In international multilingual contexts, legal translation intervenes in the context of international institutions and contributes to maintaining cooperation and diplomatic relations, with due regard for a balanced consideration for each country’s culture and power relations (Monzó Nebot 2019 citing Fishman 1993). In recent decades, it has increasingly touched on judicial and administrative settings in the context of international migration and its consequences on how highly sensitive official documents are translated, including birth or marriage certificates, family registers, statutory declarations, medical certificates, etc. Translation may intervene in documents that are part of judicial proceedings, either before the court, such as sentences, or as part of a police service, such as testimony statements. Due to global mobility, immigration has clearly become “a structural feature of all industrialized countries” (Kubal 2013: 56) and questions of legal adaptation surface when individuals of these groups are confronted with the host justice system. This has an impact on how translation and interpreting – which operates more and more in national public service settings, courts of law and police stations – is performed.

Translation that is carried out for the judiciary is known as judicial translation. The terms “translation” and “translator” include, respectively “interpreter” and “interpreting” on the basis of the categories comprised in the European Legal Interpreters and Translators Association’s (EULITA) description of legal interpreters and translators working in judicial contexts or similar settings (2013). This type of translation can involve foreign individuals who belong to immigrant or refugee groups. It is carried out by sworn translators for justice services in all types of proceedings, including civil, criminal and administrative matters, most frequently in both oral and written forms (Monjean-Decaudin 2012). Translating for justice services involves interacting with judicial authorities, either for proceedings that take place at the end of the judicial process before the court or at the beginning of the judicial process during a police interview. It therefore entails a high degree of accuracy and confidentiality in conformity with ethical and professional norms. As a starting point, we can assume that any departure from these norms is a translation error and, even more importantly, a breach of ethical principles that may affect the course of the judicial process itself.

In public service settings, the myriad of issues related to the reality of translator/interpreter’s interaction with refugees or migrants raises many social, psychological and ideological concerns (Valero Garcés 2007). The complexity of this interaction puts into question the faithfulness and impartiality of the translation/interpreting task, as the translator/interpreter is the only agent who is aware of the cultural background and traditions of both speakers (Wallace and Monzó Nebot 2019). A number of studies show that conditions in the field provide the translator/interpreter with a certain freedom to make decisions on the relevancy of the message that is to be translated and conveyed (Bancroft 2017: 205; Patel 2002: 223). Some argue that in order to prevent misunderstanding and, consequently, adverse legal and ethical effects, the criteria of absolute linguistic concordance cannot always be met when legal translation is carried out in contexts involving migrants or refugees. The particular conditions involved when translating for refugees or migrants may prompt the translator/interpreter to make pragmatic decisions as an adviser or mediator (Aguirre Fernández Bravo 2019). Those positions defend the social role of the translator/interpreter as a cultural mediator, asylum seeker interpreter or liaison interpreter (Aguirre Fernández Bravo 2019; Berbel 2020). In situations of conflict, such as war, the impartiality and neutrality of the translator is rarely preserved because of greater inequality in communication (Inghilleri 2008). According to Baker (2006), in such situations, a translator is expected to intervene in the translation process as a social agent.

By contrast, in courts of law and police stations, accuracy and neutrality are an absolute prerequisite in the linguistic transmission of information. They guarantee that the information being transmitted to the person is accurate, as what is or is not said at the interview may potentially have consequences on the trial (Conway et al. 2022). Consequently, judicial translation and liaison translation cannot be equated, even though both provide linguistic assistance in a particular context involving a foreign person. The translator’s professional experience and status determine their adherence to the code of conduct and compliance with ethical norms and frames of reference, and distances him or her from a politicised stance. Even when the translator must go far beyond simply translating words, he or she must still meet quality standards by providing accurate translations, as well as fulfilling the ethical imperatives of impartiality and neutrality.

In this study, the focus is on the imperatives that guide the judicial translator’s role. It does not cover the community or liaison translator, or cultural mediator. Nor does any association exist with interpreters who attend the hearings of refugees and asylum seekers and have a distinct job profile that is generally well defined.

More specifically, this study draws upon the scenario of a police interview in which it becomes difficult for a migrant person to understand certain basic legal concepts related to resolving a family and marital dispute due to differences in legal backgrounds. In terms of the relationship with the host country’s law, communication may also be affected by differing values and attitudes to law, as reported in the literature on migrants (Coutin 1998; Kubal 2013; Kurkchiyan 2012). How is a translator/interpreter to deal with differences in basic legal concepts in the particularly strict setting of a police interview? For a novice translator/interpreter, in addition to learning how to handle culture-related legal concepts that are anchored in the host country system, there is also a need for guidelines that will enable them to deliver a suitable translation, all while abiding by the principles and practices of judicial translation. This obliges us to go beyond the translation act to take into consideration the norms that control the behaviour of actors in the specific and demanding setting of an interview.

This study focuses on challenges related to language, translation and legal/ethical norms. By language norms, we mean norms that underlie communication between the interviewee and translator, whether in standard written form or spoken form. Translation norms refer to norms that determine the transfer of legal notions and fit into the sociolinguistic framework of the interviewee. On this specific point, attention is given to contextualized terminology choices in addressing conceptual gaps, as terminology is considered as a major source of difficulty in legal translation (Cao 2007) even though there is a lack of empirical studies that investigate the nature and difficulty of terminology in translating legal genres (Prieto Ramos and Cerutti 2021). As for legal/ethical norms, they refer to binding rules and ethics that govern participants in the legal relationship within the limits established by law and codes of conduct. We propose a three-pronged framework that is based on defined norms and their application in a real-life setting. The framework seeks to guide the translator/interpreter in a judicial interview and provide rules for judicial translation training. Each level in the proposed framework is supported by accounts from three translators – two experienced and one novice – who are working with the judiciary.

The second section spotlights one specific stage of judicial translation: the judicial interview. It describes how the translator must address the language norm, legal/ethical norm and translation norm during the rigorous exchange of questions and answers. Section three proposes a three-pronged framework based on the defined norms and the way in which they are applied in a real interview. Finally, it presents a translation technique that conveys communication between the interviewer and interviewee accurately and comprehensibly, including system-related concepts that are new to the interviewee. Our objective is to identify the best technique to handle the strict communication between the interviewee and interviewer. The conclusion proposes guidelines to enhance the linguistic efficiency of the translation task and make sense of this experience for the migrant or refugee.

2 Translation and interpreting during the judicial interview

One premise of this study is that translators working for the judiciary are crucial to guaranteeing that the suspect is not unfairly disadvantaged by the language-barrier and non-access to the process, in accordance with international instruments and domestic laws. This can only be achieved with the assistance of judicial translators who are aware and knowledgeable about binding codes of ethics and statutory instruments that strive to guarantee equal communication in this particular situation of communication. The present study’s framework claims to define shared and binding rules inherent to this particular situation of judicial interview, towards attaining that objective.

At the international level, the right to interpreting is provided under Article 14(3)(f) of the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (United Nations 1976), which states that a person charged with a criminal offence is entitled to minimum rights, including the right “to have the free assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand or speak the language used in court”. This provision is incorporated, word for word, in Article 6(3)(e) of the European Convention on Human Rights of the Council of Europe (Council of Europe 2013), with the assumption that under the right to a fair trial, the right of interpretation in court “applies also to interactions with police prior to the trial, therefore including the police interview” (Conway et al. 2022: 610).

This linguistic human right has since been reiterated in Directive 2010/64/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on the right to interpretation and translation in criminal proceedings (European Parliament and Council 2010), and Directive 2012/13/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on the right to information in criminal proceedings (European Parliament and Council 2012).

Under domestic Swiss law, judicial translation and interpretation is provided as a procedural safeguard for any person who does not understand or express her or himself adequately in the language of the proceedings. It is guaranteed by Article 68(1) of the Swiss Criminal Procedure Code (SCPC). As for the police interview, Article 143(1) of the SCPC clearly states that a person shall be questioned in a language that he or she understands.

Local regulations on interpreting and translation for the judicial power underline the obligations that are imposed upon interpreters and translators when performing their duties. They also define professional requirements, which explicitly require that they hold a master degree in translation or interpreting, or an associated field such as law. The interpreter or the translator is entered into the Register of the judiciary and can attend court trials, meetings with solicitors and police interviews. In exceptional cases, and as a last resort, the judiciary may call upon the services of an interpreter or translator who is not on the Register, for instance, when no registered translator has the required language combination.[1]

2.1 Judicial interview

The terms “police interview” and “judicial interview” are used interchangeably in this study to refer to the information-gathering stage that is part of judicial procedural acts. As part of the criminal justice authority, “the police may question accused persons and persons providing information” (Art. 142, SCPC) during the investigation phase, in order to gather evidence and relevant information. In the context of this paper, the concept does not relate to general interview conditions, strategies or models when facing judicial officials. Instead, it refers to the conduct of translation/interpreting in the pre-trial phase of the police interview under specific norms.

It is only recently that research has begun to look at how interpreting and translation is carried out during the pre-trial stages of the criminal justice system. The function of the interpreter in proceedings linked to the courtroom has become relatively formalized (Berk-Seligson 2009). One of the reasons that this study will be dealing with interpreting conduct in the pre-trial stage is because of “the absence of clear-cut demarcations between certain sorts of legal actors and others (e.g., court interpreters, community interpreters, and police interpreters)” (2009: 15), which ought to be an issue of interest in forensic linguistics. Berk-Seligson (2009) has carried out a detailed study on the use of non-professional interpreters, including police officers, during the interview, demonstrating that the resulting performance is biased and inaccurate.

Since then, the few researchers who have studied how interpreting is performed at the custodial interrogation stage have endorsed Berk-Seligson’s view and cautioned against calling upon bilingual officers to interpret (Filipović and Abad 2018; Tamura 2019). Empirical findings (Conway et al. 2022; Hale et al. 2019; Mulayim et al. 2014; Walsh et al. 2020) emphasise the importance of ensuring objectivity and impartiality in police interviews by using interpreting professionals who are independent and publicly funded. In many countries, there are policies in place to regulate the employment of interpreters in legal cases (Mulayim et al. 2014) and prohibit the recourse to bilingual employees in law enforcement agencies, regardless of bilingual competency (Berk-Seligson 2009). However, there is no evidence on how the language barrier is heightened by discrepancies in perceptions of culture-related elements, or differences in basic legal concepts, which may lead to misunderstandings, and thus, miscommunication, between officers and the person being questioned.

As we move along the continuum of communication in all stages of judicial proceedings, the discourse becomes more complex in terms of legal terminology, particularly at the start of the examination hearings, where the interrogated person shall, first, “be advised of the subject matter of the criminal proceedings and of the capacity in which he or she is being interviewed, and informed in full of his or her rights and obligations, in a language that he or she understands” (Art.143, SCPC).

This points to the importance of having translators who are trained to understand how legal language is utilised in the legal system. Otherwise, the language-barrier is exacerbated and multilingual communication is challenged by legal intersystem variances that produce cultural-loaded concepts.

What options or techniques do judicial translators have when dealing with culture- and system-related concepts during police interviews? In order to answer this question, a clear approach needs to be developed. Up until now, no particular translation strategies have been put forward for this particular setting. When presented with two asymmetrical legal realities, a translator must comply with both linguistic and ethical requirements, in addition to situational constraints, so that they can express the content in a way that is comprehensible and relevant, in addition to taking into account the time framework.

More specifically, this study will look at an interview in a judicial setting involving a Arabic-speaking migrant, which is being conducted with the assistance of a translator. The interview concerns issues that are governed by the host Swiss family law. Difficulties arise due to substantial differences between family concepts that are very much linked to legal origin and host cultures such as Communauté universelle ‘general community of property’, Parents nourriciers ‘foster parents’, Tuteur et curateur ‘legal guardian and legal representative’, Participation aux acquêts ‘Participation in acquests’ and other host-country related notions.

The dependent variable is the migrant individual’s lack of awareness of certain legal family obligations stemming from the host country’s legal system and culture. There are three independent variables in this specific socio-cultural situation: 1) a language norm that underlies communication between the interviewee and translator; 2) a translation norm that determines the transfer of notions, that is, how the translator identifies an appropriate solution to convey culturally loaded concepts; and 3) the legal/ethical norm that governs the translator’s behaviour and the judicial officials’ conduct in their communication with the interviewee. The following norm-based framework is proposed as a strategy for judicial translation to convey culture- and system-related concepts during police interviews.

3 Norm-based framework for judicial translation

The question of norms in translation studies has been thoroughly discussed in the literature (Chesterman 1993; Kozanecka et al. 2017; Toury 1995). As it is impossible to describe all of its linguistic aspects in this limited space, this study makes use of the legal definition of “norm” in Black’s Law Dictionary, which defines the term as: “1. A non-stated set of guidelines which specify normal behaviour in a social context. […] 2. A set of standard rules and laws laid down by the legal system, religions or persons of social authority which judges the appropriateness or inappropriateness of an individual’s actions”. This use is supported by the sociological definition of norms in the Sociology Dictionary: “The rules or expectations that determine and regulate appropriate behaviour within a culture, group, or society” (Open Education Sociology Dictionary).

If we draw upon both descriptions, norms relate to ‘standard rules’, ‘normal behaviour in a social context’ and ‘expectations’ that govern communication between – for the purpose of this study – parties in an interview situation that involves translation/interpreting. Here, ‘norm’ has a descriptive function and is based on observations of ordinary translation behaviour from an empirical perspective. The observed variable is a behavioural regularity that is inherent to a situation of communication, which may be represented in a demonstrative proposition described by Chesterman as follows: “Under conditions ABC, translators (tend to) do (or refrains from doing) X” (Chesterman 2017: 198).

As previously mentioned, the existence of regularities is corroborated by discussions with practitioner colleagues, including two sworn translators and one young translator. In other words, the previously cited norms are prerequisite conditions that translators and interpreters take into account in interviews. They ensure high quality translation services by guaranteeing that the principles of accuracy (translation), understandability (language) and neutrality (ethics) are complied with in the interaction.

Having a framework for judicial interviews provides translators/interpreters with options and techniques to deal with culture- and system-related concepts during police interviews. Young translators working into Arabic are increasingly requested to assist with judicial interviews, especially against the background of global mobility and international migration. There is also a need to incorporate a judicial translation framework in training courses so that students can familiarise themselves with the main norms that specify how to perform and behave when translating/interpreting for the judiciary.

This norm-governed framework takes, as a point of departure, Chesterman’s conceptual division of norms (1993) into professional and expectancy norms. What is important in Chesterman’s professional norms is that the standards of translation are integrated in the process and product, in addition to professional translation behaviour. This behaviour gives rise to professional norms, which are divided into “accountability norms, relation norms and communication norms” (Kościałkowska-Okońska 2011: 26). These three norms govern the system of rules related to linguistic precision and professional integrity, which generally guide professional translators. In this sense, both professional and expectancy norms generate linguistic precision, which ensures linguistic transfer and intercultural communication, and guarantees that the translation will be relevant and function effectively in the target space. The notion of translation accuracy and the normative environment in which it is performed seem to be particularly relevant for the setting under study. The value of Chesterman’s division of norms lies in the notion of acceptability of the translation-product in the target language and its compliance with the recipient’s expectations, in addition to its objective of providing a precise rendering within a given community.

3.1 Language norm

This study does not consider the concept of language norm to be a descriptive norm in a structural sense, but rather, a systematic choice in a particular linguistic setting, in that it approximates the reference to an operational or reference standard norme de fonctionnement ou de référence (Moreau 1997: 218). It makes use of the idea of norms as rules that determine the production of language in a specific reality that includes language variations.

Here, the term “language norm” refers to the systematic use of classical Arabic, what is called Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), as the language shared in all Arabic-speaking countries when performing translation/interpreting in a judicial interview. It also provides the framework for the performance.

MSA is the official written language of Arabic-speaking countries. It complies with a normative codification that sets out the rules of grammar, syntax and morphology, spelling, and vocalisation, as well as the lexicon. By contrast, everyday spoken language includes various regional dialects that have their own vocabulary and various forms of unwritten rules.

The Arabic language is filtered through the lens of a diglossia that characterises the use of Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and regional dialects in the Arab world. This diglossia has existed for centuries and refers to the linguistic coexistence of al’arabiya al-‘âmimiyya, the ‘colloquial Arabic’ that manifests itself in regional dialects, and al’arabiyya al-fusha, the ‘literary Arabic’ produced in Modern Standard Arabic (Al-Kahtany 1997). Many other stratified models of diglossic Arabic have been proposed to take into account the Arabic linguistic reality (Badawi 1973; El-Hassan 1978), but the language norm invoked in this paper refers to the Arabic linguistic reality that is reflected in the continuum of the Arabic language in its written and spoken forms, that is Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and dialects. One expects there to be a certain degree of variation between written and spoken language to ensure greater understanding between participants when translating in a judicial setting.

3.1.1 Language norm in real-life judicial interview setting

The translators interviewed for this study reported that MSA, which is most easily understood by Arabic speakers (Wa’il et al. 2020), is de facto the language of translation/interpreting. It is used in the introduction phase, presentation of matters, formulation of questions, reference to legal texts, and use of legal terminology and phraseology.

MSA is also used in sight translation, when reading charges or the suspect’s statement before signature, etc. Correspondence between the lawyer and his/her client is also translated using MSA, when the latter is in custody or detention. However, dialect may be used when the vocabulary of everyday life surfaces in the interaction. It may also intervene when the interviewer explicitly asks for the dialect of the interviewee to be used, or one close to it.

During the training stage, students need to be informed of this possible coexistence of both language variations during the interview stage. Training should therefore focus on the use of MSA as the default language for terminological precision and coherence in legal discourse, as Arabic legal language is expressed in MSA. The role of the translator is limited to providing a verbatim translation. The translator does not act as an auxiliary or cultural mediator. The use of MSA may therefore be interpreted as expressing a neutral position, which reduces the likelihood of confusion as to the translator’s role. The judiciary can thus avoid having recourse to dialect or a translator of the same nationality, thereby excluding any assumed connivance or partiality. Indeed, research has shown that when the translator/interpreter is a compatriot of the client, it can lead to conflicts of loyalty (Gustafsson et al. 2013). Instead, spoken language should only be used as complementary means for mutual understanding. According to the judicial translators who were consulted in this study, it is only employed at the request of the interviewer or interviewee.

3.2 Legal and ethical norms

As with any kind of legal translation, linguistic and extralinguistic skills, including legal intersystem knowledge, are only one aspect of judicial translation training. Students also need to be made aware of the ethics and rules that guide the performance, which will enable them to get an efficient start in the domain. In all stages of judicial proceedings, mutual understanding and impartiality are key factors that ensure fair treatment in the case. Any deviation from these standards sheds doubt on the quality of the translation and gives rise to distrust, “which ultimately may impact on the realization of the detainee’s rights” (Conway et al. 2022: 621).

A translator/interpreter working for the judiciary is expected to be familiar with the professional rules and codes of ethics and practice, as these are key components of translation training in the field. The framework that regulates a judicial interview must therefore also integrate legal and ethical norms. When carrying out their duties, judicial translators/interpreters are bound by a set of rules that guide their conduct before, during and after carrying out the translation. The codes of ethics, which are also referred to as codes of conduct or manuals of procedures and quality, are drafted by professional associations in the same spirit as the Translator’s Charter issued by the Fédération internationale du traducteur (FIT) (1994). Their ultimate goal is to protect translators from improper influence, prevent professional misconduct, and thus ensure equality in communication before the justice system. They are issued by national associations (ex. Association Suisse des traducteurs jurés) and International associations (ex. European Association for Legal Interpreters and Translators [EULITA]). They can also appear in local regulations for legal proceedings drafted by public services of justice. Finally, international governmental institutions like the UN have also established a specific code of conduct for interpreters and translators employed by them for international criminal tribunals (IRMCT) (ex. International criminal tribunal for former Yugoslavia) (United Nations 2017).

The codes provide a formal framework of shared and binding ethical rules of conduct that aim in fine to ensure the validity of linguistic transfer and professional integrity. The common provisions set out in the codes reflect key principles related to accuracy, reliability, confidentiality, impartiality, professional integrity, etc.

While codes of ethics may be confronted with growing criticism (Bancroft et al. 2013; Lambert 2018; Vidal Claramonte 2013), it is hard to imagine that judicial translation can be performed without guaranteeing the strict observance of specific ethics. The quality[2] of the work and, hence, the accuracy and security of the translated information, can be deemed invalid if the translators/interpreters do not abide by the rules.

3.2.1 Ethical/legal norm in real-life judicial interview setting

How is the ethical/legal norm applied in the interviewee-translator interaction?

Prior studies (Berk-Seligson 2009; Conway et al. 2022; Hale et al. 2019) point to translation deficiencies, distortions and unethical behaviour from non-trained or bilingual persons working as translators or interpreters, even if legislations clearly define the competencies required of translators and interpreters working for the judiciary (Hale et al. 2019). As a result, legal translators who are employed by judiciary services are expected to be graduates of translation studies or other related fields.

Judicial legal translators/interpreters confirm that ethical rules are rigorously observed in practice. They emphasise the strict observance of the defined rules as an integral part of their professionalism and moral stance. Any discrepancy in conduct may be frowned upon and lead to suspicion from either officials or solicitors. The three judicial translators report that in the interviewee-translator interaction, the translator is careful not to take on the role of auxiliary or advisor to the person being interviewed. From the outset and during the introduction process, they remind the interviewee of the principles of neutrality and impartiality to which they are bound. They also inform the interviewed person that everything that is said will be translated, including repetitions, corrections, hesitations, insults, threats, etc. They also preserve the interrogative form of the questions that are formulated, whether they are open or closed. They ensure that they translate everything and maintain the literal meaning of each utterance as much as possible. Finally, they do not speak to the interviewee in private. These ethical and legal principles provide the framework for the interview.

It is therefore all the more important to remind translation trainees of the importance of ethics and emphasise its inherent nature to a translator’s work. Judicial translators should make every effort to completely, faithfully and neutrally translate, in order to convey all words and writings without any modification, omission or addition, as required under all professional codes of ethics.

How is the ethical/legal norm applied in the interviewee-interviewer interaction? Just as with the translator’s code of ethics, there are Codes of ethics for law enforcement officials. The judicial officials’ guidelines and rules, which are drawn from the UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials (United Nations 1979), are adopted by judiciaries to ensure proper conduct of officials during different stages of proceedings, including interviews. This form of internal regulations, whether referred to as codes of ethics or codes of conduct or practice, directives, or internal instructions, are exemplary standards that lay down bonding rules that govern the conduct of each individual who works for the police. They may be set out internationally, like the European code of police ethics (Council of Europe 2001), or locally, like the Directives of the Public prosecutor.

Those codes provide a clear protocol by which an interviewed person is instructed of his/her rights and informed about the procedures. This includes instructing the interviewee to give clear and precise answers, or to only answer “yes” or “no”. The protocol requires that the interviewed person be informed of everything that is said or written down and speak on his or her own behalf. While translators and interpreters do not necessarily have to be trained to recognise the strategies used in investigative police interviews (Hale et al. 2019; Mulayim et al. 2014), it is important for them to be familiar with the approaches and models that are applied in the interview stage. This awareness of real-life conditions reinforces the importance of maintaining an impartial attitude and not losing sight of the set translation objectives. By presenting the translator with real-life interview conditions and regulatory limits, he or she will be better equipped not to interfere with other objectives and interests.

Although ethics and professional practice is a topic that is increasingly being integrated in legal translation courses, information on how to perform translation/interpreting at different stages of procedural acts needs to be further elaborated in a legal translation course. The aim of the judiciary translation model presented in this paper is to prepare young graduates in the best possible and most purposeful way to carry out their work in judicial contexts.

3.3 Translation norm

The translation norm offers the key parameters of content validity and product relevance (Chesterman 2004). As previously discussed, Chesterman’s descriptive hypothesis of translation universals is of interest here because it distinguishes between source universals and target universals. In other words, it describes the relationship between the translated output and source text, and between the translated output and comparable non-translated output in the target language. Content validity refers to linguistic accuracy and conceptual transfer in relation to the host law. Product relevance relates to the appropriateness and acceptability of the discourse in the target language; the naturalness of the product is dependent on the linguistic profile of the relevant target discourse family (excluding translations).

Both parameters are based on predictable conditions that are inherent to the judicial interview: time constraints, language security, and rigorous accuracy of the legal information being transmitted. These three cornerstones of the judicial interview are key elements that enable the translator to select the appropriate translation strategy.

Our study is limited to the appropriateness of terminological choices, in terms of how naturally the proposed terms match the linguistic profile of the relevant family of target counterparts. We have only considered terminological issues related to the transfer of system-related concepts, and not other utterances from the conveyed message or conversation coordination. For instance, a legal term in the host country’s civil law which is system-bound such as “maintenance contributions”, “child placement”, “removal order”, or “protective measures” in the case of domestic violence, would require a translation technique to represent any concept variations due to different legal realities. While there are different techniques to cope with concept variations or gaps, the consistent designation of the source concept should be a priority in order to ensure that the message is accurate and intelligible. In fact, we have to be mindful that doubt and ambiguity arise from persistent attempts to find equivalents for all source concepts that have no legal referent in the receiving culture (Halimi 2017). In addition to that, one should realise that law “reflects society’s mentality, tolerance, knowledge, social perceptions” (Wagner et al. 2020, 260) which are key parameters to understanding any message formulated in legal languages. Some elaboration is then expected to present a solution considering contextual parameters. The discursive term creation is one way of representing system-bound concepts, while remaining bound by time constraints and language security, as will be shown below.

Indeed, to ensure linguistic accuracy, the solution proposed by the translator/interpreter must be relevant in the interviewee’s language and professional ethics must be respected during the interaction. There is little room for adaptation or extensive paraphrasing, as there is a risk that the translator will deviate from the strict role they are expected to adopt and the validity of the translation will be put into question. When legal concepts diverge significantly due to differences in cultural legal background and system variances, the translator should decide upon a strategy to transfer concepts and select terminology based on the conditions that affect the situation of communication, namely, language security and time constraints.

3.3.1 Translation norm in real-life judicial interview setting

In the real-life interview setting examined in our study, we are confronted with basic legal concepts in the Swiss civil code that are related to Family law as amended in 2013 (Federal Council 2013), for example, autorité parentale ‘parental authority’, contribution de maintien ‘maintenance contributions’, placement de l’enfant ‘child placement’, etc. These concepts are foreign to the Syrian civil code and many other family codes in Arabic-speaking countries. The interviewee is therefore not aware of certain legal concepts. What translation strategies can be adopted to convey these challenging terms and concepts?

When transferring culture-related concepts, translators often resort to explicative paraphrase (1), functional rendering (2), and literal rendering (3), according to Molina and Hurtado Albir (2002). However, in this particular setting, the solutions produced by these techniques are inadequate, due to language security, risk of confusion in meaning and time constraints.

Indeed, while an explicative paraphrase may be useful when there is no one-to-one correspondence between systems – as is the case here – in order to reformulate the meaning, it cannot be applied to the interview situation, due to the risk of added information and the suspicions that may be incurred by an extensive rendering. In fact, this technique may lead to significant additions of information, which is considered by Orozco-Jutoran[3] to be a serious error in the context of court interpreting (2019). Furthermore, the length of the translation may be frowned upon, thereby leading to suspicion, according to the three judicial translators who were consulted in this study. Paraphrasing terminological units in order to cover intercultural variances may also result in the translator being held responsible for subtle intercultural mismatches. The three practitioners assert that using paraphrase and explicative words to transfer new terminology in this strict setting is hazardous, as they do not consider themselves able to access the meaning of each concept.

As for the functional approach, choosing functional counterparts in the target system implies that these concepts are no longer subject to the rules of law that govern their use in the host legal system. Indeed, by using functional counterparts to bring the new concepts closer to the legal background of the person being interrogated, there is a risk that he or she will be confused by these references to target concepts.

Finally, a literal rendering is only possible when the source concept is understood by the receiver. When concepts do not exist in the target institution, literal translation may result in non-idiomatic expressions and fail to produce natural and communicative legal texts (Hjort-Pedersen 1996). This technique renders the translation unnatural and significantly undermines the understandability and acceptability of the translation. In our case, a literal rendering cannot be adopted since the source terminology cannot be comprehended and accepted by the recipient. Instead, the translator can make use of discursive creation to produce new terminology that preserves conceptual accuracy, but also ensures discursive naturalness in the target legal language. The following examples illustrate this technique:

(1)
Contributions d’entretien ‘Maintenance contributions’

When rendered literally, the linguistic match between separate words is correct.

a.
musaahamaat al- infaq
contributions the maintenance
‘contributions of maintenance’

However, the term [Musahamaat al-infaq] is not a propos within the present context and may be concurrent with the established concept ‘alimony’. Indeed, maintenance contributions are forms of financial contributions paid by one or both spouses to the child and, in specific cases, to the spouse too, after a separation or divorce (art. 276ss CCS). They are different from pension alimentaire or pension d‘entretien ‘alimony’, [Nafaqat al-Tifl] paid to the child in the Arabic-using target institution.

Taking into account content validity and idiomatic relevance parameters, discursive term creation produces the term:

b.
musaahamaat al- i’aala
contributions the livelihood
‘contribution in livelihood’

The choice of the accepted word in this context [al-i’aala] ‘livelihood’ ensures content validity and linguistic idiomaticity. The process of neologism results in an idiomatic expression that is new in the target institution. It does not refer to any legal notion or legal reality but takes into account the naturalness of the Arabic legal language.

c.
musaahamat fi al- i’aala
contribution in the livelihood
‘contribution in livelihood’
(2)
Participation aux acquêts ‘Participation in acquests’

When rendered literally, the linguistic match between words used separately is not accurate in this case though it seems more natural idiomatically in this context (close to the notion of [al-mucharaka fi al-arbaah] ‘gain sharing’).

a.
al- muchaaraka fi al- mumtalakaat
the participation in the property
‘participation in property’

The resulting expression may refer to ‘co-property’ which is a different concept. Indeed, ‘participation in acquests’ allows for an equal sharing of income and acquests after the dissolution of the marriage (art. 197ss CCS). The regime of participation in acquests is applied from the outset between the two spouses. Hence, its crucial importance for a migrant person getting married in Switzerland to understand the concept. When using the approach of discursive creation, the proposed term could be the following:

b.
al- muchaaraka fi al- makaasib
the participation in the acquests
‘participation in acquests’

This is a terminological expression which ensures content validity and linguistic idiomaticity.

(3)
Suspension de la vie commune ‘Suspension of joint household’

When rendered literally, the linguistic match between both words, used separately, is accurate.

a.
ta’liiq al- hayaat al- muchtaraka
suspension the life the joint
‘suspension of joint life’

However, put together, the expression [ta’liiq al-hayaat al-muchtaraka] is not idiomatic. It looks even curious and idiomatically improbable. In fact, ‘suspension of joint life’ refers to the situation of spouses living apart (art. 176 CCS). This procedure is not object of the Syrian personal status law and no more present in most laws of the Arabic-speaking countries as it is not tantamount to the notion of [Talaaq] ‘divorce’ or [infisaal] ‘legal separation’. There is, therefore, no possible use of approximate concepts in the target legal institution. If we take into account validity and relevance parameters in creating a new term, the terminological expression that could be suggested is the following:

b.
inqiTaa’ al- ‘ichra
interruption the community
‘interruption of marital community’

These examples reveal that if we take into account all the conditions that govern the judicial interview setting, the discursive creation of terms, or neologism, emerges as the most relevant and interesting approach. It allows the translator/interpreter to not only accurately render the concept that is not represented in the target institution, but also put forward new foreign legal concepts. The neologism may also draw attention to the fact that a foreign law is at the root of the new terminology, which can only function in context.

Discursive creation is meant to represent concepts without counterparts in the target language. The new lexical units are bound by the situation of communication and can only be employed in that specific situation. Thus, they are “totally unpredictable out of context” (Molina and Albir 2002: 510). This parallel terminology maintains a certain étrangèreté ‘foreignness’ (Monjean-Decaudin 2012: 138) vis-à-vis the institution that has no equivalent in the target law and marks the boundary between the foreign law and the target legal institution. Additionally, it is key to ensuring that the relevance parameter is met, as any literal rendering would seem curious and unfamiliar, resulting in unusual expressions that would not ordinarily be used in the target language. Such abnormal expressions can lead to the interview/interviewee being repealed. Terminology that reflects legal idiomaticity is integral to the provision of efficient interview utterances.

Adopting this approach, a corpus of French-Arabic system-bound concepts related to Family law is being constituted where terms are discursively set considering the judicial contextual variables. This technique supports decision-making which is determined not only by the purpose of the translation but also by the set “contextualized analysis of acceptability” (Prieto Ramos 2014: 124). Additional examples of French system-bound concepts and Arabic target new terms are shown in Table 1.

Table 1:

French system-bound concepts and Arabic target new terms.

Régime de communauté de biens Community property regime niDhaam al-milkiya al-mushtaraka
Régime de communauté universelle Full community property regime niDhaam al-milkiya al-mushtaraka al-shamila
Communauté réduite aux acquêts Reduced community property regime al-ishtiraak fi al-amuaal al-muqtaSir ‘ala al-makaasib
Communauté conjugale Community regime niDhaam al-milkiya al-mushtaraka
Séparation des biens Separation of property faSl amuaal al-zawjayn
Autorité parentale Parental authority SulTatu al-waalidayn
Parents nourriciers Foster parents al-usratu al-haaDhina
Regime du marriage Matrimonial regime niDhaam al-zawaaj

4 Concluding remarks

This study has examined the implications of judicial translation in the context of international migration and its relationship with the law of the host country. Judicial translation in this context involves highly sensitive documents that are as varied as family registers and statutory declarations. It also refers to specific legal instances of interaction with judicial authorities, where the observance of certain communication norms is of paramount importance. This is particularly true in the strict setting of a judicial interview.

This paper describes in detail how translation is performed in a pre-trial police interview when the communication of some basic legal obligations becomes difficult for a migrant person, due to differences in legal concepts and backgrounds. In such a situation, the central question is as follows: how can differences in basic legal notions be dealt with in the particularly strict setting of a judicial interview?

To answer this question, a norm-based translation framework has been proposed to handle the judicial interview stage. The rationale behind this guiding framework is, first, to address differences in basic legal notions when translating in the norm-guided context of police interview. It can also serve as a tool for judicial translation training in order to provide novice translators with an approach that is fitting for the rigorous exchange of questions and answers in the interview.

The study proposes a three-dimensional framework based on language, translation and legal/ethical norms. By language norms, we mean norms that underlie communication between the interviewee and translator, whether in standard written form or spoken form. Translation norms refer to norms that dictate the transfer of legal notions and bring new concepts closer to the legal background of the interviewee. As for legal/ethical norms, these refer to binding rules and ethics that govern participants in the legal relationship within the limits established by law and codes of conduct. This framework represents key variables in the judicial interview.

The study shows too that in real-life settings, the interview is guided by those norms which correspond to the proposed guiding framework, thereby validating it as an approach for judicial translation training in the context of migrants. As a tool for judicial translation training, we argue that familiarity with the framework not only crystallises the contextual constraints related to an interview and associated translation challenges, but also introduces trainees to a professional setting where the translation knowledge is only one domain out of a set of other domains related to legal norms and ethics and language use. Hence, the complexity of the situation is represented through this structure and gradually absorbed by trainees. The reliability of the training framework will be assessed in a future work of evaluation.

With regard to the translation norm, the validity and relevance parameters have been taken into consideration in order to ensure that challenging source concepts and phraseological contents will be understandable and acceptable for the interrogated person. In view of the entire extralinguistic setting of the judicial interview, discursive creation appears to be a relevant technique to represent system-bound concepts as the relevance parameter is considered to ensure understandability whatever the educational background of the interrogated person Although the foreign element in the new terminology marks the boundary between the foreign law and the target legal institution, this technique also leads to the creation of new concepts in the target institution.

In future studies, it would be interesting to see how this new terminology contributes to or conflicts with the target law. It would also be compelling to see to what extent the newly forged terminology is accepted by the receiver. To this end, a multi-language terminology data base may be elaborated to provide translators with a tool to address basic but challenging notions in Family Law, such as Communauté universelle ‘general community of property’, Parents nourriciers ‘foster parents’, Tuteur et curateur ‘legal guardian and legal representative’, etc.


Corresponding author: Sonia Asmahène Halimi, Faculté de traduction et d’interprétation, Département de traduction, UNI MAIL II, Université de Genève, 40, Boulevard du Pont-d’Arve, CH-1211 Genèva 4, Switzerland, E-mail:

About the author

Sonia Asmahène Halimi

Sonia Asmahène Halimi has been professor at the Faculty of Translation and Interpreting (FTI), University of Geneva since 2013. With over 15 years in academia, she is an established teacher and researcher in pragmatic translation and translation in legal and economic fields (English-Arabic, French-Arabic). After a long experience as professional translator in the United Nations agencies and ICRC, she is presently head of the Arabic unit at the FTI. She has held several academic and administrative positions, including co-chair of the translation department, and head of the distance Bachelor program (e-Ba) in Multilingual communication and Master in specialized translation. Her research fields and publications encompass legal translation, natural language processing with Arabic, health communication, and teaching translation. She is member of the Centre of Legal and Institutional Translation Studies (Transius).

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Linda Ali who helped in the initial collection of data.

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Received: 2022-11-14
Accepted: 2023-03-24
Published Online: 2023-06-15
Published in Print: 2023-04-25

© 2023 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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