The Mirror Image of Sino-Western in America’s First Work on Travel to China

Exploration of the Chinese Market and Sino-American Foreign Trade Routes

Following the culmination of the War of Independence, the United States was subjected to an economic boycott by the British, which resulted in the cessation of trade with the West Indies. This, in turn, had a deleterious impact on the maritime industry, necessitating an economic readjustment. Further compounding the issue was the absence of a robust central government under the federal system, which rendered the period between the Revolution’s conclusion and the ratification of the Federal Constitution as the “critical period” (Fiske v–viii). To mitigate the dire economic circumstances, the United States was compelled to explore new avenues for international trade, leading to a strong impetus to cultivate commercial ties with China.

In recent scholarly discourse, the nature of the Chinese market has been the subject of considerable debate, with some questioning whether it is more myth than reality. American scholar Paul A. Varg contends that “the great China market proved to be a myth” (Varg 4), while Fairbank astutely observes that American commercial interests in China are entwined with significant amounts of imagination and aspiration (Fairbank, The United States and China 258). Indeed, the intricacies of the Chinese market, characterized by the discord between the myth of boundless market potential and the reality of China’s self-sufficiency, as well as the intense competition among international businesspeople, complicate the identification of commodities that can consistently satisfy the Chinese market while yielding substantial profits. As such, this situation poses both opportunities and challenges for American entrepreneurs engaged in this complex market landscape.

Samuel Shaw rapidly comprehended the underlying principles and fundamental operations of the Guangzhou System through his examination of Sino-European commercial exchanges. He perceived that conducting business in this environment appeared less convoluted than anticipated, perhaps even as straightforward as any other location within the known world (Shaw, Journals 168). Concurrently, Shaw cultivated amicable professional relationships with Chinese merchants, who, in turn, extended considerable courtesy toward him (Shaw, Journals 233). Notwithstanding, Shaw encountered instances of dishonesty among some Chinese traders, such as tea merchants who engaged in deceptive practices. Upon recognizing the escalating demand for high-quality tea, these merchants unscrupulously adulterated premium tea with inferior varieties, thereby compensating for the losses incurred due to an overabundance of tea and the shift in trading methods (Shaw, Journals 298). Nevertheless, Shaw regarded the Cohong merchants responsible for managing Sino-Western trade as astute and adept individuals, possessing commendable attributes such as proficiency in accounting, punctuality, trustworthiness, and adherence to elevated business ethics (Shaw, Journals 183).

In comparison to their European counterparts, early Americans exhibited a more heightened degree of respect for the Qing government’s laws and trade policies, motivated by the pursuit of trading opportunities and an elevated status in China. As an American merchant in China once articulated in The Canton Register,

The American Government requires of us, to submit peaceably to the laws of the country we may visit, hence we consider ourselves bound to obey the laws of China – other foreigners may take a different view of their obligations, and their Governments may uphold their resistance – we do not question the propriety of their conduct – we all know the terms on which we are admitted to trade – and know the dangerous footing on which we stand here. (83)

The Viceroy of Liangguang, Jiang, also praised the Americans as “the most respectful,” (45) which in turn led the Chinese to place Americans in a special position among all foreign merchants. The friendly relationship often translated into capital benefits, as the Cohong merchants would extend significant credit to Americans for surplus goods (Dennett 52–53), and Shaw himself borrowed from Chinese merchants to expand his investments (Journals 252).

Such observations fostered a sanguine outlook on prospective United States–China trade, with Shaw asserting that every American ought to feel gratified by the equitable and favorable business dealings between the two nations (Journals 233). In particular, he identified American ginseng as a valuable commodity with the potential to secure a strong position within the competitive Chinese market. Given that American ginseng is exclusively found in the United States, it possesses not only the economic characteristics of a tradable good but also the emblematic attributes of a nation. Contrary to Europeans, who were required to purchase ginseng using cash, Americans could simply exchange their “useless produce of mountains and forests” (Shaw, Journals 231) for Chinese goods. Shaw optimistically anticipated that the benefits America would accrue from ginseng trade could be on par with those enjoyed by Spain (Shaw, Journals 134). He even conjectured that Americans might experience an equal or superior advantage compared to Europeans in future commerce with China (Shaw, Journals 337–341). As an ardent advocate and publicist for trade with China, Shaw’s nationalistic fervor may have obscured his impartial assessment of the intricacies inherent in international trade. He strategically overstated the boundless demand for ginseng in the Chinese market, presupposing that this demand would ensure an inexhaustible supply of tea for the United States.

In actuality, prior to Shaw’s arrival in China, ginseng was the only commodity of American origin imported into China by the British East India Company. In the widely acclaimed publication Unbecoming British: How Revolutionary America Became a Postcolonial Nation, American historian Yokota observed that even after the War of Independence, the United States continued to supply sizeable quantities of American ginseng to British merchants (148). The British expended considerable effort and resources in selecting, handling, and controlling the quality of the ginseng they purchased, thereby earning a superior reputation within the Chinese market (Randall 135). John Swift, who served as the chief of affairs for Express of China, exhibited a more astute anticipation concerning the untenable nature of American ginseng investments when compared to Samuel Shaw. He found that despite its uniqueness, American ginseng was not irreplaceable, and European traders were likely to maintain dominance within the ginseng market (qtd. in Woodhouse 29). Oversupply would inevitably diminish profits. Indeed, when Experiment arrived in Canton in 1786 with a cargo of ginseng, Captain Stewart Dean was promptly disheartened to discover that the price of ginseng was no longer worthwhile. In 1789, Washington managed to sell ginseng for merely 65 dollars per quintal, and by 1790, the price had plummeted to 32 cents per pound (Shaw 304–305; Fontenoy 5). The enormous United States shipments eradicated the rarity of ginseng, leading the Chinese ginseng market into a cyclical downward spiral from boom to saturation, and ultimately, collapse. Nevertheless, Shaw remained unwavering in his faith in ginseng. In 1790, he announced in American newspapers that in spite of the increased quantity, the sales have not been materially affected and there is probably always a high demand (in China) for this commodity so that it remains of great value (Shaw, “Remarks on the Commerce of America with China” 127). Evidently, the allure of the Chinese market, which stemmed from Shaw’s “own projections of dreams and desires” (Brunel 114), proved irresistible, consequently causing him to make irrational judgments in his strategic analysis of United States–China trade.

What precisely constitute Samuel Shaw’s “dreams and desires”? Transitioning from a revolutionary officer to consul in China, it is evident that his exploratory business ventures were imbued with a robust patriotic fervor, as well as considerations of personal gain, envisioning China as a land of business potential and weaving a grandiose vision of wealth and self-actualization. During the Revolutionary War, Samuel Shaw held positions as a second lieutenant, lieutenant, captain, and major in the artillery, as well as serving as an aide-de-camp to Secretary of War Henry Knox. He emphasized “the infinite obligations we are under to our country, ourselves, and posterity, for the faithful discharge of our duty” (Shaw, Journals 15). For his sense of mission and responsibility, he was lauded by Washington as a sagacious, proactive, and courageous officer, and received the Medal of Commendation on the occasion of the victory in the War of Liberation (Shaw, Journals 110). Although his military career garnered him a respectable reputation, he and the soldiers remained unpaid for nearly 3 years due to government corruption, resulting in financial destitution and even debt. Consequently, he viewed his work in China as an opportunity to ameliorate his financial situation and that of his family, and, in 1786, he accepted an appointment as the first consul in China from John Jay, then Secretary of Foreign Affairs (Shaw, Journals v; 98; 111–112). Consul as a position, however, possessed neither real power nor salary and merely symbolized the nation’s “confidence and esteem” (qtd. in Christman 64). Nevertheless, Samuel Shaw expressed gratitude to the American Congress for the honor and committed himself to live up to it (Shaw, Journals 114). On the eve of his third visit to China, he proactively requested Washington to extend his consulship and apply for the extension of the title to all countries east of the Cape of Good Hope, which did not materialize (qtd. in Christman 67), but demonstrated his ambition to partake in the global competition within the Asia–Pacific region. Simultaneously, due to the high capital cost of trade between China and the United States, he hoped that the United States could, to some extent, emulate the European model and construct a monopolistic mechanism of collaboration between government and business through state-owned companies’ cooperation with large merchant ships (Shaw, Journals 305). Shaw aimed to secure a dominant position in the initial stage of United States trade with China, leveraging his close relationship with the government. In 1787, he borrowed funds from the Chinese and authorized a shipyard in Quincy to construct a merchant ship called Massachusetts, inspired by the British East India Company ship that had impressed him at Canton. The 800- to 900-ton ship, the largest in American shipbuilding history, garnered significant attention and was described as the pinnacle of craftsmanship at the time (Shaw, Journals 117). However, it was soon discontinued and sold to the Danish Asiatic Company due to inferior workmanship and equipment quality. Then Shaw and his close friend and vice consul in China, Thomas Randall, established a company in Guangzhou under their names, “Shaw & Randall.” However, the company dissolved shortly after Samuel Shaw’s death, before it could expand (Dennett 71).

In the initial stages of attempting to emulate European trade routes, Samuel Shaw’s endeavors could be perceived as unsuccessful; however, this did not deter him from seeking alternative business models tailored to the unique context of the United States. Shaw identified that not only could the United States profit from direct trade exemplified by ginseng, but it could also benefit from re-export trade facilitated through circuitous routes. American-made iron products and munitions could find potential markets in the Dutch colony of Batavia, while goods transported from Batavia to Canton occasionally fetched favorable prices. Consequently, Shaw posited that utilizing China as a pivotal point to connect the United States with diverse trade routes could be advantageous, stating if the Americans take the Malabar and Coromandel coasts, and the Straits of Malacca, a circuitous voyage to China could yield similar benefits (Shaw, Journals 233). This insight laid the groundwork for the United States to later employ its geopolitical strengths in conducting multifaceted trade, ultimately connecting the North Pacific and the Indian Ocean through a transoceanic trade network. Moreover, it established the basis for the transition of United States trade exports to China in the early nineteenth century, predominantly adopting an entrepot form of trade.

In 1788, Samuel Shaw journeyed to the British colony of Bengal, a prominent source of opium, and acquired a more profound comprehension of Chinese trade within the larger geo-economic context. He progressed beyond his initial “ginseng-for-tea” strategy to scrutinize how opium had emerged as a potent commodity in Sino-British trade. Shaw endeavored to incorporate the United States into the commercial landscape established by European powers across Asia, devising a plan to coordinate the development of a package of commodities within this network (Johnson, The New Middle Kingdom 36–37). Regarding opium, Shaw did not perceive it as a contentious commodity. While traversing the Straits of Sunda, he observed that the locals were so fond of opium that they would consume 12 or 14 pills at once, seemingly without adverse effects (Shaw, Journals 154). Although Shaw acknowledged the stringent prohibition of opium under Chinese law, he refrained from critiquing its potential negative social consequences. Instead, he aimed to replicate the British trade system that had evolved around opium. During Randall’s time in China, he maintained correspondence with Stephen Girard, an opium merchant who would later gain notoriety in the United States (Shaw, Journals 138). These correspondences indicate that the intent of American involvement in the opium trade was already evident in Samuel Shaw’s era.

The Collision between American National Ideals and the Realities of China’s Institutional System

Under the Qing government, strict regulations constrained the extent of foreigners’ activities. In 1759, the “Regulations for the Prevention of Foreigners” were promulgated, mandating that foreigners in Guangdong were to reside and conduct business as merchants, while being subject to control and inspection (The Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty 19). Consequently, Samuel Shaw’s movements were confined to a limited area of less than a quarter of a square mile on the outskirts of Guangzhou. He perceived the dock officials as highly vigilant and considered every servant in the 13 houses to be a spy (Shaw, Journals 185). However, Shaw also recognized that his preconceptions prior to arriving in China were inadequate for informing future strategic analyses of the country’s economy, prompting him to seek accurate information on China’s constitution and customs (Shaw, Journals 167). Despite the apparent constraints of Shaw’s “contact zone” (Pratt 8), his meticulous observations enabled him to glean insights into the government and legal practices of China at that time and form his own judgments.

First, Samuel Shaw presents a vehement critique of the Qing government’s longstanding global reputation for administrative governance, posing the question, “whether there is a more oppressive one to be found in any civilized nation upon earth” (Shaw, Journals 183). In Shaw’s perspective, the Qing government exhibited a lax approach to administration and a pervasive desperation in the population’s livelihood, leading to daily suffering that he deemed shocking. What further incensed foreigners was that the number of impoverished individuals was not particularly significant, and the local government seemingly possessed the capability to provide adequate support (Shaw, Journals 354). However, the government awarded official positions to those who exploited the populace at every level, resulting in dire circumstances, and, ultimately, these officials could be dispatched to Siberia by the emperor for mismanagement and meet a grim fate (Shaw, Journals 183; 355). Shaw cited several examples to demonstrate the autocratic and corrupt nature of the Qing government, which he argued was detrimental to the people. First, he claimed that Chinese customs taxation relied on bribery, rendering the law ineffective. Customs inspectors from the Household Ministry openly solicited bribes from foreigners, who were exempted from taxes if they presented gifts amounting to half the tax value (Shaw, Journals 348–349). Opium traders could continue their illicit operations by tipping officials $20 per box (Shaw, Journals 239). Additionally, Shaw mentioned the case of an official from the Ministry of Revenue who, after Cohong merchant Shi Qiongguan expressed dissatisfaction with his inebriation, coerced Shi into giving a 30,000-tael gift (Shaw, Journals 184). Due to widespread corruption, a foreign buyer feigned being a procurer to evade customs extortion but was swiftly apprehended and imprisoned for a week (Shaw, Journals 185). Second, Shaw argued that the government’s capacity to alleviate famine and maintain security was inadequate. In 1786, Guangdong faced severe drought and food shortages; however, local warehouses’ effectiveness in suppressing food prices was limited, and the high price of rice persisted, resulting in widespread famine and starvation (Shaw, Journals 248–249). Contrastingly, Shaw extolled the virtues of America, stating, “From this painful view of the effects of despotism, I turn with pleasure to the contemplation of that happiness which an American enjoys, under the government of equal laws and a mild administration” (Shaw, Journals 355). Here, Shaw reconstructs an American national image, underscored by universal values such as equality and democracy, by criticizing China’s “antagonistic and semi-pathological collective social imaginary” (Ricoeur 55).

Second, Samuel Shaw expressed criticism toward the legal system of the Qing Dynasty, contending that the “life for life” principle constituted a breach of human rights. On November 24, 1784, Shaw observed the incident involving Lady Hughes, a British merchant vessel that discharged a salute in Guangzhou, resulting in the death of two Chinese individuals and the injury of another. Nonetheless, the Chinese authorities maintained an unwavering stance, asserting the sanctity of the Empire’s laws. Ultimately, the British surrendered a crew member who faced execution shortly thereafter.

The “Lady Hughes Affair” leads to a dispute that, according to Jonathan Spence, constitutes one of “the two cases that made the greatest impact on Western thinking and forced a serious reconsideration of how to deal with the Qing at the international diplomatic level” (Spence 126). The handling of this case by an administrative office responsible for foreign trade demonstrates a certain conflation of the administrative and judicial powers within the Qing establishment. Moreover, when the British gunner involved in the incident escaped, the Guangdong Customs arrested the supercargo, impacting the legitimate rights of other nations, and proposed that the British side send a representative to assume responsibility without requiring the actual culprit (Shaw, Journals 189). This prioritization of substantive justice at the expense of procedural justice also potentially contributes to the discourse surrounding the barbaric image of traditional Chinese judicial arbitrariness.

Samuel Shaw’s journals have been considered as an early argument for examining “Legal Orientalism.” Ruskola identified this concept as a unique form of Orientalism that emphasizes the process through which “the Orient” and “the West” have been constructed via legal discourse and argued that the self-referential focus on Western representations of Chinese law perpetuates biases and misconceptions, limits understanding of alternative legal systems, and exacerbates power imbalances between cultures (193–198). The traditional Chinese notion of retributive justice, epitomized in the “life for life” principle, signifies an intersection of ideas pertaining to retribution, circumspection in the administration of punishment, and the employment of penal sanctions for deterrence purposes, while Shaw posited that vessels of foreign origin ought not to be subjected to the purview of the uncivilized Chinese legal system. He further argued that the actions of the British artilleryman, resulting in an unintended fatality, were devoid of malicious intent and, as such, should not necessitate the imposition of capital punishment as prescribed by Chinese law (Shaw, Journals 186–188).

Additionally, he found “such an outrage upon personal liberty spread a general alarm” (Shaw, Journals 339), leading him to rally other European merchants to send armed ships in solidarity with Britain. This stance exemplified two perspectives: First, the use of force was regarded as the most effective approach when dealing with the Chinese since Anson’s arrival in the country (Williams 451); second, Shaw maintained that human rights issues were intrinsically connected to commercial activities.

In the realm of Sino-United States relations, the question of human rights remains a contentious subject, and Samuel Shaw emerges as a pioneer among Americans in addressing the disparate conceptualizations of human rights within China and the United States. The impetus behind Shaw’s persistence in confronting the British government warrants examination. On the one hand, Shaw’s focus on human rights can be attributed to his personal conviction in innate human rights and his commitment to the principles of the Society of the Cincinnati. The preliminary establishment of modern American democratic consciousness and institutions was achieved through the crucible of the Revolutionary War for independence, as Declaration of Independence underscores the notion of “unalienable rights,” asserting that governments derive their legitimate authority from the acquiescence of those whom they govern. Subsequent to the war, Shaw played an instrumental role in the composition of the Society of the Cincinnati’s foundational manuscript, suggesting that vigilance is required to shield from encroachment of those esteemed rights and liberties of humanity for which they have battled and shed their blood, without which the elevated status of a rational being would transmute into a curse rather than a blessing (qtd. in Lossing 695). Consequently, both in this instance and throughout his global journeys, Shaw consistently displayed concern for the capacity of governing authorities to preserve the human rights of their constituents.

On the other hand, Samuel Shaw’s emphasis on human rights consistently served as a reflection of American national interests. As Fairbank posits, “the right of extraterritoriality that the British and the rest of us claimed in China in the age of imperialism was a concrete expression of what we now call human rights” (China Watch 2). Should British merchants be granted extraterritorial rights in China, allowing them to engage in trade activities while being exempt from the constraints and restrictions of Chinese law, it becomes necessary to consider the implications of the United States’ Far East policy. This policy demands for “United States citizens treatment no less favorable than that enjoyed by any other government” (Howland 5). Consequently, in light of these circumstances, Americans may utilize this policy as grounds to request that the Chinese authorities accord equal rights to American merchants. In his journals, Shaw expresses a tinge of remorse, stating that if European nations had been steadfast in their commitment to human rights and had sacrificed some self-interest for collective rights, the outcome would have been more favorable, possibly yielding additional privileges (Journals 195). Evidently, Shaw’s defense of human rights is, to a degree, a pursuit of privileges, with his ultimate aim being the promotion of the United States’ commercial interests and national prestige. In the “Lady Hughes Affair,” Shaw did not respect China’s jurisdiction as an independent sovereign state and even hindered China’s judicial process by threatening violence within its territory. Shaw’s words and actions reveal a United States-centric view of “colonial sovereignty,” which bolsters its national and transnational identity and subjectivity and offers ideological cohesion and moral support for defying Chinese law and justice (Chen 445). Moreover, the United States warships remained resolute even as other European nations withdrew their threats of force. Shaw proudly declared, “we were the last who sent off our boat, which was not disgraced with a Chinese flag” (Journals 340). In essence, Shaw utilized the “Lady Hughes Affair” to underscore the United States’ national character, employing concepts of “freedom,” “justice,” and “glory” to distinguish his ship as the last of its kind. He invoked these ideas to establish his ideological superiority as a member of a republican state, earning the gratitude and respect of European country representatives. In reference to his role in the “War of Canton,” the “Columbia Centinel” asserted, “Mr. Shaw represented American interest in such a manner as to throw a lustre on his commission, and give him great credit among the European merchants and other eminent characters. At his return his conduct met the approbation of the representatives of the United States in Congress” (qtd. in Shaw, Journals 127). This indicates that the underlying purpose of Samuel Shaw’s image as a human rights champion is to secure international recognition for the United States and accruing political capital for himself.

The Construction of American National Identity

During the formative years of the United States, considerable economic and political uncertainties prevailed, and the American populace exhibited significant heterogeneity. Individuals hailed from diverse nationalities; practiced various religions; and adhered to distinct customs, rituals, and habits. As President Dwight noted, “There was no interest felt on the part of the inhabitants to defend each other. The mere fact that they are under one government may not prove to be a sufficient bond of union” (73). Fostering a collective sense of national identity, characterized by shared emotions, symbols, and social interpretations, was undoubtedly challenging yet essential. In light of this, Samuel Shaw sought to overcome the conundrum of American national identity by cultivating an “imagined community” of the United States as a nation-state and engendering self-identification with the American national character. Central to his strategy was the gaze and acknowledgment of the Other. Consequently, China emerged not only as a “space of the other” and a diplomatic stage for American self-projection, but also as an integral factor in the construction of America’s national identity in the arena of international conflict and competition.

Although he criticized the devaluation of the United States currency during the war, which led to the decline of public morality and the rise of extravagance and extortion, Samuel Shaw’s conception of an ideal self-imagined American identity encompassed “benevolence,” “justice,” and “temperance” (Shaw, Journals 54; 61). He also aimed to construct a positive national image through his own example in Chinese business practices to garner recognition and respect from the international community, thereby reaffirming the legitimacy of the United States as an independent sovereign and enhancing its national identity. In his perspective, “America is now become an empire and the eyes of the world are fastened upon her. Let, then, humanity, a love of justice, and a universal spirit of moderation be its distinguishing traits” (Shaw, Journals 105). It is worth noting, however, that Shaw uses the term “empire” in his characterization of America’s self-image. This rhetorical device, which positioned America as an empire, had become the prevailing ideology among the Revolutionary generals. They sought to erect their esteemed American empire upon the ruins of the British Empire and rise like a phoenix from the ashes of the mother country (Gates 514). Although Shaw’s use of the term “empire” may have been an unconscious expression of his aspirations for the United States, it also hints at the nation’s underlying ambition for overseas expansion. In this context, Shaw perceived China as one of the strategic platforms for the ascent of the United States.

Indeed, the very fact that the American-built Empress of China was able to carry an American crew and cargo to China signified America’s independence as a sovereign nation, marking the opportunity for the emerging economy to compete aggressively with Great Britain in Far Eastern trade on equal footing. Robert Morris, the founder of Empress of China, wrote to Foreign Secretary John Jay, “I am sending some ships to China, in order to encourage others in the adventurous pursuits of commerce, and I wish to see a foundation laid for an American navy” (Morris 97). Daniel Parker, one of the owners of the ship, also urged Captain John Green before his departure, “You will probably be the first who shall display the American flag in those distant regions. You will consult your own Honer and that of the Country whose Commission you bear” (Parker 66). These statements confirm that the voyage had official support, and its political significance outweighed the economic benefits.

Green thus arrived in China carrying a copy of Declaration of Independence, treaties between the United States and European nations, and sea-letters to be displayed on any occasion that might require it. The sea-letters, granted by Congress, was intended to greet “Most Serene, Serene, most puissant, puissant, high, illustrious, noble, honorable, venerable, wise and prudent Emperors, Kings, Republicks, Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Lords, Burgomasters, Councillors, as also Judges, Officers, Justiciaries & Regents of all the good Cities and places” and declared that the ship belonged to the citizens of the United States of America, as a united commonwealth, to engage in lawful business practices, hoping to receive necessary assistance (Smith 66–70). The excessively prepared and grandiose language reflects the uncertainty of the new United States administration regarding the conduct of international trade and foreign affairs, as more experienced Europeans would likely refrain from sending such letters to foreign ports. The letters’ absurd form, intended to demonstrate the United States’ place in the diplomatic arena, could quite possibly convey the opposite impression to the Chinese (Haddad 8).

The Chinese initially struggled to distinguish these American adventurers from their more experienced British counterparts. After Samuel Shaw and his party provided a brief introduction to the United States’ geography and demographics, the Chinese referred to the Americans as a “new nation” and were excited about the prospects of a promising market (Shaw, Journals 183; 338). At that time, American merchants interacted with Chinese officials from the Ministry of Revenue, Cohong merchants, and itinerant businessmen. The officials did not initially recognize the United States as a political entity separate from Great Britain. As every country trading with China was required to pay tribute to the emperor, merchant Pan Qiguan attempted to exempt the Americans from this fee by mistakenly identifying Samuel Shaw as British and registering Empress of China as “Country Ship.” However, this registration prevented Shaw from obtaining a ship’s license for his return voyage due to tensions between China and Britain. Consequently, Shaw sought assistance from French consul M. Vieillard to formally declare the United States’ independent sovereignty to the Chinese; thereby, the American national identity was stripped of its British attributes through defense. In contrast, Chinese lower-level, itinerant businessmen distinguished between British and American merchants by observing their differing attitudes. Accustomed to bargaining, these merchants frequently tested foreign merchants’ patience with low offers. While British merchants often responded harshly and arrogantly, Samuel Shaw politely refused each time. This led one Chinese peddler to express goodwill to Shaw, saying, “I see very well you no hap Englishman. All China-man very much love your country” (Shaw, Journals 199). Shaw was pleased to receive such praise, as he had repeatedly referred to the British as “savages” or “barbarians” (Shaw, Journals 11–12; 62; 73) in his correspondences during the War of Independence. However, he also expressed resistance and sarcasm toward Chinese bargaining culture, remarking, “All men come first time China very good gentlemen, all same you. I think two three time more you come Canton, you make all same Englishman too” (Journals 200). National character is often most clearly defined when compared to other countries, and Shaw, as an outsider, sought to assert the United States’ superiority over Britain and China psychologically. Interactions with Chinese individuals from various walks of life led Shaw to confidently believe that although the Chinese impression of the new nation was somewhat vague, the United States had succeeded in attracting attention and earning respect from this ancient Eastern nation after a few exchanges (Shaw, Journals 337). The affirmation from China appeared to bolster the young nation’s national pride positively, and it could be argued that “‘The reception our citizens have met’ in China helped to transform the nascent nation from an awkward, impotent confederation of republics into a confident economic power” (Morrison 30). China not only provided a domain for the United States to engage in international conflicts and competition, but also functioned as an other for self-projection and as a diplomatic platform. Simultaneously, the image of China inadvertently played a significant role in shaping America’s national identity.

Rather than focusing on the reactions of the Chinese upon their first encounter with the Americans, Shaw devoted more attention to recording the perceptions of European expatriates. He argued that Americans needed to establish their national character among the powers, as their initial attitude would determine the perception of America (Shaw, Journals 125). En route to China, Shaw and his party visited governors at various ports, providing an overview of the United States, promoting the country’s achievements, and even reaching preliminary diplomatic agreements. In addition, they received hospitality from Captain D’Ordelin of the French ship Poseidon. Furthermore, their French allies not only assisted in navigating the voyage and guiding the berth, but also introduced the American merchants to the expatriate community in China, paving the way for their successful entry into the Chinese market. Upon arriving in Guangzhou, Shaw exchanged greetings with representatives from Denmark, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and other countries. He was pleased with the feedback from Europeans, who demonstrated consistent attention and respect toward the Americans, treating them as citizens of a free and independent country (Shaw, Journals 180–181; 338). Initially, even British businessmen welcomed the Americans, suggesting that Britain and America could unite and challenge the world (Shaw, Journals 154–164). Notably, Shaw’s performance in the “Lady Hughes Affair” earned the gratitude and respect of Britain and the previously unequal colonial relations and hostilities between Britain and the United States were somewhat dissolved. When Shaw first left China, he received considerable courtesy from European leaders, emphasizing that England was no exception (Shaw, Journals 181). Thus, American scholar Samuel W. Woodhouse contends that in Canton at the time interstate rivalries were temporarily set aside in order to reach a formal united front of mutual comity and alliance against the Chinese (Woodhouse 27). It is evident that although old China provided new America with a vast trade market and an international stage, Shaw still identified himself as a member of the “Fanquois” (Shaw, Journals 195), a colloquial expression referring to Westerners in Cantonese. He preferred to define the legitimacy and acceptance of the United States within the international community according to Western standards and sought to form a community of mutual assistance with European merchants.

However, by the time of Shaw’s second visit to China, the British East India Company had banned any form of assistance or encouragement to American commerce. Shaw highlighted the ban in his journals and criticized the British for their narrow-mindedness in extending undignified receptions to economic sanctions (Shaw, Journals 234). Moreover, the Dutch colony of Batavia also prohibited American merchants from engaging in trade activities, prompting Shaw to report the situation to President Washington (Shaw, Journals 118). Evidently, the United States was not universally recognized in the international community, particularly among European countries, resulting in a precarious position among the major powers and causing Shaw to experience constant anxiety regarding his American citizenship.

In summary, as a soldier and consul with a strong sense of mission and patriotic zeal, Samuel Shaw’s travels were not purely commercial in nature. Instead, they were driven by the diplomatic needs and imperialist national ambitions of the nascent empire, aiming to expand America’s overseas markets and seek international recognition. Despite his optimistic perspective on the Chinese market, Shaw’s overall assessment of China was predominantly negative. He not only rejected the political and legal culture of the Qing Dynasty but also transformed the once-revered model of benevolent government held by the American Founding Fathers into an authoritarian, corrupt, and uneducable barbarian state. Such an assessment was partly based on a perspective of progressive historiography and a realistic analysis of Qing society, considering the differences between China and the United States in terms of political and legal systems and ideologies. It was also partly related to the American interests represented by Shaw, who sought legitimacy for the United States government in the diplomatic arena by asserting sovereignty to break away from political relations with Britain. Additionally, he interfered in China’s judicial process on the grounds of human rights issues to gain privileges in China and win the approval of European powers. This confirms that Shaw’s China was a far cry from a country whose people value etiquette highly, and his writings on China marked an important turning point in the history of America’s perception of China.

Reactions in the Media, Cultural, and Business Spheres

The return trip of Empress of China brought back a large quantity of Chinese goods, such as tea, porcelain, silk, and spices, achieving a substantial return of 25–30% (Smith 23). The triumphant return of Samuel Shaw and the national celebration of the United States entering the global trade arena not only exposed Americans to novel goods but also contributed to the country’s economic recovery to a certain extent. The United States media created a frenzy on the occasion of the ship’s return to New York’s East River, with major newspapers publishing editorials in response to this historic event. New York News Dispatch was particularly responsive, writing the day after the ship’s arrival, “it presages a future happy period in our being able to dispense with that burdensome and unnecessary traffick, which hitherto we have carried on with Europe – to the great prejudice of our rising empire, and future happy prospects of solid greatness” (qtd. in Smith 224–225). It is evident that trade with China not only generated considerable profits but also bolstered American national pride and self-confidence in the country’s future destiny. The Massachusetts Centinel even dubbed the voyage “one of the greatest nautical prodigies we ever recollect hearing” (qtd. in Kitts 3). Later, Loudon’s New York Packet, The Pennsylvania Packet, The Pennsylvania Journal, The Connecticut Courant, The New York Packet, The Pennsylvania Gazette, and The Providence Gazette were among the media outlets that ran extensive stories or reprinted them. These reports established the importance of Chinese trade to the United States economy in the minds of the American public through powerful penetration, echoing the rising national sentiment of the time. For many Americans, the successful voyage of Empress of China was perceived as a sign that the young nation was coming of age. It was a great honor to participate in Chinese trade on an equal footing with other world powers, boosting American national pride, morale, and confidence.

The American national poet Philip Freneau also composed the poem “On the First American Ship that Explored the Route to China, the East Indies, after the Revolution, 1784.” In this poem, the mysterious East is depicted as “golden regions” with “porcelain ware, enchased in gold” and “fragrant tea,” a place “where George forbade to sail before” and also the “Chinesian shores” that the United States eagerly sought to explore (Freneau 181). For Freneau, Empress of China’s trip to Canton symbolized the practical implementation of American independence and self-government, as the United States transformed from a former colonial vassal state into a global economic player.

“News reports and popular literature function as reflective surfaces for their recipients” (Brunel 116), showcasing Americans’ aspirations for their nation to assume a position on the global stage as an independent entity. Simultaneously, shared interests prompt them to perceive themselves as part of a new identity – “American.” It is crucial to recognize, however, that the media and poets have underscored the significance of the successful development of United States–China trade for the United States more than for China itself. Much of the information received by ordinary Americans is inaccurate and misleading. According to Samuel’s journals, Empress of China was briefly anchored at North Island, Sumatra, Krakatoa, Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope, St. Bartholomew, St. Bartholomew, and St. Martin without stopping to load Indian cargoes (Shaw, Journals 201–210), yet some advertisements labeled the cargo as “Indian goods” as a marketing ploy to attract customers (Smith 228). This implies that “India” was regarded in America at the time as synonymous with the entire East, as historian Tyler Dennett articulated, “Americans viewed Asia as a whole and called it the East India. The trade so described included all the commerce the destination or origin of which lay in either the Indian or western Pacific oceans” (3). It is apparent that even American businessmen directly engaged in Sino-American trade maintained a nebulous and confused impression of China. This includes Captain Green’s diary entry for the trip to China, which reads, “A Journal of an Intended Voyage on Board the Ship Express of China from New York to Canton in India Bound from New York to Canton in India” (qtd. Smith 8). The fact that even the captain mistook Canton for an Indian city suggests that the geographical boundaries of Asia were unclear to Americans at the time. Such geographical ambiguity inevitably led to a convergence of social imagery across Asia, rendering the image of each individual country chaotic. However, this was not due to American knowledge of Chinese geography being outdated but rather because Americans were accustomed to examining China within the context of Asia and the world. American scholar Frank contends that, while Americans in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had fairly precise geographic information available to them in the form of maps, atlases, and published travel descriptions about the regions of the Indian Ocean, Southeast Asia, and the Far East, they, like most Europeans, nevertheless persisted in maintaining an imagined cultural geography contained in the term “East Indies,” which lumped together all these regions within one category (4).

Since the colonial era, the United States had traded indirectly with China through the British East India Company, and the term “East Indies” became a hypothetical concept of a “pan-Asian region” in America.

The fervent coverage and glorification of Far Eastern trade by the press, despite not rectifying geographical misconceptions for American readers, considerably invigorated American merchants. This led to an atmosphere where seemingly every tiny village near a creek with a sloop capable of holding five Yankees planned to engage in trade with the East (Greenbie and Greenbie 34). While an exaggeration, this sentiment captures the exuberant era’s spirit. Influential figures such as Samuel Shaw paved the way for new shipping routes to China, inspiring ships such as Experiment, Canton, and Hope to follow suit. Ebenezer West, captain of Grand Turk, even sought Shaw’s advice on trading with China in Canton (Peabody 90; 76). Encouraged by Empress of China, an increasing number of American merchants ventured to China to pursue rapid fortunes. Between 1786 and 1833, 1,104 American merchant ships sailed to Macau and Guangzhou, culminating in a peak of American trade with China in the nineteenth century and the American fast ships even surpassed Britain in monopolizing tea transportation from China to major global ports (Liang 75–79; Huang 23–24). The Chinese market during this time mirrored the United States under eighteenth-century British mercantilism, where wealth generated in China primarily fueled American domestic industrial development (Huang 25–26). This flourishing trade not only bolstered American national pride but also fostered a predominantly positive perception of China among the American public. As Jonathan Goldstein observed, “the China trade was of unprecedented economic importance for the new nation; and because of that great commercial value, the Chinese people as a whole were to be held in esteem” (Goldstein, Philadelphia and the China Trade 31). Nonetheless, respect based solely on commercial value without genuine understanding proved to be superficial. The myth of the Chinese market merely reflected American self-perception, and the voyages to China symbolized the American pioneers’ expansion into the Pacific and the extension of American commercial influence across mountains and seas driven by commercial interests (Dulles 4).

The Impact of Samuel Shaw on United States Policy Toward China

The significance of American images of China in shaping and justifying Sino-United States policy has often been underestimated in scholarly discourse (Turner 22). In the correspondences authored by Samuel Shaw and exchanged with distinguished American authorities, a sanguine perspective on the potential for trade with China was communicated. This outlook significantly contributed to the impetus for the United States government to fervently pursue the establishment of commercial connections with China. Though not explicitly involved, numerous United States political leaders were keenly aware of the significance of trade with China and openly expressed their support. Upon Shaw’s return, he communicated the voyage’s details to Secretary of Foreign Affairs John Jay, stating that “To every lover of his country, as well as to those more immediately concerned in commerce, it must be a pleasing reflection, that a communication is thus happily opened between us and the eastern extremity of the globe” (Journals 341), enclosing two pieces of silk presented by the governor of Guangzhou (Fuen) in his letter. In response, Jay asserted that the success of this voyage serves as a source of honor for both the principals and the participants (qtd. Shaw, Journals 341), reiterating the connection between the maiden voyage to China and national glory. Empress of China’s inaugural voyage to China coincided with President Washington’s 52nd birthday, and seven years later, on the same date, the ship sank off the Dublin coast due to being unseaworthy, underscoring the voyage’s profound link to the nation’s founding father. In Shaw’s early correspondence with friends and relatives, he frequently expressed his admiration and respect for Washington as the wisest man ever to illuminate our hemisphere, a military commander of exceptional character (Journals 50). Correspondingly, Chinese products captivated the attention of the American supreme commander. Washington personally instructed his adjutant Tench Tilghman to purchase Chinese Nanking cloth, large porcelain plates, Xichun tea, and silk handkerchiefs, among other items (Washington 223). Furthermore, Washington purchased “the most famous and recognizable examples of Cincinnati porcelain” (Borst 14–23). Another United States president, Thomas Jefferson, sought to establish a distinct image of the United States, separate from that of Britain, by leveraging the influential “other” of China to further affirm the independent sovereign identity of the United States and bolster Sino-American collaboration. In correspondence with the Secretary of the Treasury, Jefferson expressed the intention to engage a distinguished individual in China to advocate for the United States, elucidate the contrasts between the United States and Britain, and facilitate the Chinese government’s discernment of these distinctions in their policymaking, which he believed could generate lasting advantages for commercial interests in both countries (134). Moreover, President Clinton regarded Express of China’s visit to China as the genesis of the friendship between the United States and China. In a speech welcoming Premier Zhu Rongji, he stated, “Before this city even existed, even before our Constitution was signed, China granted our newly independent nation equal standing with the powers of Europe” (“Remarks by the President”), underlining the strategic importance of China in America’s earliest attainment of international political status. Undoubtedly, Shaw’s influence ignited a fervor in the American political domain for the procurement of Chinese goods and the advancement of Sino-American trade, subsequently fostering aspirations to bolster United States–China relations and secure international political recognition.

Shaw’s meticulous analysis of European commerce in the Chinese context, with a particular focus on the British East India Company, supplied the United States government with valuable empirical insights and strategic counsel on matters pertaining to China. John Jay, with whom Shaw closely collaborated, anticipated that Sino-American trade would exert significant influence if appropriately guided by a robust and sagacious government (153). Concerning specific policy support, United States authorities initiated the implementation of protective tariffs to enhance the competitive advantage of American merchants. In 1789, the United States enacted its first tariff legislation, imposing a reduced tax on tea transported by American vessels and imported directly from China. Two years later, the United States allowed American merchants to defer payment of the tea tax for 2 years and levied an additional tonnage tax on foreign bilges transporting Chinese goods to the United States. This preferential treatment posed challenges for other countries in shipping tea, the most critical commodity in Chinese trade, to United States ports (Latourette 31).

The United States government fostered trade with China through domestic tariff policies and pursued diplomatic strategies aligned with American interests on the global stage. Shaw’s critical engagement with and active participation in addressing human rights issues in China served as a foundation for the development of United States ideological biases and interventionist policies directed toward the nation. His travel accounts’ negative depiction of the Chinese legal system was adopted by Western racists to create the terrifying notion of “Yellow Peril” (Wu 45–47). This perspective influenced the approach of subsequent American merchants in China when dealing with the “Terranova Incident” and other similar cases, ultimately leading to confrontations with the Qing government. As Charles Howland contends, “In the China experience of Samuel Shaw appeared two principles which have been followed more or less consistently in American relations with respect to Pacific and Far Eastern countries: the policy of cooperation, and that of demanding for Americans most-favored-nation treatment” (7–8). Adhering to the precedent established by Samuel Shaw in the “Lady Hughes Affair” in 1784, Americans supported the Far East policy of amicable collaboration with the UK, seeking to obtain “most-favored-nation treatment.” The strategies employed by Shaw also foreshadowed the diplomatic path taken by the United States during the Opium War, which seized the opportunity of the UK’s conflict with China to demand the exercise of extraterritoriality in the Treaty of Peace, Amity, and Commerce between the United States of America and the Chinese Empire.

Publication of Samuel Shaw’s Journals and Its Impact

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the United States Congress released early diplomatic archives, and the correspondences between Samuel Shaw and American dignitaries began to circulate domestically and internationally. In 1836, Chinese Repository, founded by American missionary Elijah Bridgman, introduced the story of Samuel Shaw, offering readers in the West and American expatriates in China a renewed appreciation of the man and his accomplishments. Subsequently, Robert Shaw, Samuel Shaw’s nephew, entrusted his collection of Shaw’s wartime letters and voyage journals to a friend, Josiah Quincy Jr., the former mayor of Boston and president of Harvard University, as well as an influential early national biographer. As an educator, Quincy skillfully revised and employed Shaw’s early business adventures with China to inspire and enlighten the contemporary audience, writing, “from the unchangeableness of Chinese habits and policy, they undoubtedly contain much information, which, even at this day, is both useful and attractive” (Quincy vi). Utilizing the manuscript, Quincy edited and published The Journals of Major Samuel Shaw, the First American Consul at Canton with a Life of the Author. In the biographical section, Shaw is portrayed by Quincy as a steadfast veteran of the Revolution, a national commercial hero of the early Sino-American trade, and a most worthy patriot who combined the qualities of a gentleman, a warrior, a scholar, and a cleric. Shaw’s journey to China is also depicted as an “inspiring national romance” (Johnson, Narratives 34). Published amidst the United States’ involvement in the 1847 Mexican War, and in the ideological context of “Manifest Destiny” and the annexation of the Oregon Territory, Quincy’s work assumes a heightened significance. The readers, confronted with the Mexican War, the economic crisis of 1837, and localized anti-slavery uprisings, could find solace in Quincy’s biographical portrayal of Samuel’s experiences, for the narrative continuity successfully aligned with the editors’ intentions to provide reassurance and calm to the hearts and minds of the public (Johnson, The New Middle Kingdom 9). Due to the delay in publication, the book’s impact on the general American readership was deferred. However, its publication not only satisfied the public’s desire for knowledge and curiosity about this period but also became an essential source for the studies of early Sino-American relations and the history of international trade between China and the United States.

In addition to its high historical value, the literary nature of this work should not be overlooked. It stands as one of the earliest blossoms in the literature of travel writing in China, emerging from the course of American commercial exploration in the East. The work contains not only detailed descriptions of the routes to China, but also summarizes the most intuitive information about the political, economic, and legal fields of late eighteenth-century China in an understandable and clear style with skillful rhetoric. Samuel Shaw, having grown up studying at the Latin School under the renowned educator James Lovell, was always “a man of fine talents and considerable education,” (Delano 21) both to his shareholders and to his family and friends. In 1790, he was awarded an honorary Master of Arts degree by Cambridge University and elected a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. The vividness of his writing, the frequent use of allusions in his voyage diary and letters, and the recurrent references to Horace’s poems and Shakespeare’s plays in his lines, all attest to the author’s classical literacy and the literary value of this work. Chinese scholar Jiang also acknowledges the book’s dual significance in American studies of the image of China and in American literary history, stating, “Although no American literary history mentions Samuel Shaw’s name, his journals deepened Americans’ understanding of China and became a major source of references to China in various publications of the time” (20).

In summary, the successful return of Empress of China was actively publicized by the media and the arts, bolstering Americans’ sense of national identity and confidence in the country’s future development. However, their understanding of China remained shallow and limited due to the biased information they received. American politicians were also encouraged to engage with China and protect American merchants through tariff policies, while their diplomatic strategy continued Samuel Shaw’s diplomatic principles by collaborating with Britain to pursue an equalization of interests. The manuscripts from his voyages to China have been widely circulated through the series of Foreign Relations of the United States, the China, the introductory article in the Chinese Repository, and the biographies edited by Quincy. These works have become important materials in the history of United States–China relations, American literature, and the history of America’s image of China. Their literary and historical value warrant further exploration.