Startseite Linguistik & Semiotik 17 Non-verbal predication in Zaparoan languages
Kapitel
Lizenziert
Nicht lizenziert Erfordert eine Authentifizierung

17 Non-verbal predication in Zaparoan languages

  • Lev Michael und Christine Beier
Veröffentlichen auch Sie bei De Gruyter Brill
Erkunden Sie dieses Fachgebiet So veröffentlichen Sie bei uns
Non-verbal Predication in the World’s Languages
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Non-verbal Predication in the World’s Languages

Abstract

This chapter provides an overview of non-verbal predication (NVP) in the languages of the Zaparoan family, a small group of highly endangered languages of northwestern Peruvian Amazonia and eastern Ecuador. We provide a detailed description of NVP in Iquito, the sole language for which we have ample information, followed by briefer descriptions of NVP in Arabela and Sápara, the two other Zaparoan languages for which some data and descriptive materials are available. In all three languages, NVP constructions employ multiple strategies, with a major split between locative predication constructions, on the one hand, and other types of NVP, on the other. Locative predication constructions are most similar across the family, employing cognate locative copulas: Iquito iíkìL, Arabela ki, and Sápara iki. In each language, the locative copula is one function of a polyfunctional verbal element that inflects for TAME like typical lexical verbs in the language. The strategies used for non-locative NVP are less similar. Iquito exhibits a contrast between irrealis and realis copula constructions, the former of which employs a polyfunctional element kuúkìL, and the latter of which employs a dedicated copula that exhibits three allomorphs: Htìì, taáLL, and ta. 20th century Sápara exhibited a copula, ta, that is cognate with one of the allomorphs of the Iquito standard copula, but in 21st century Sápara, the locative copula of 20th century Sápara, iki, has subsumed all copula functions. Arabela diverges from its sister languages in exhibiting no standard copula and deploying juxtaposition, Subtype IIIa predicative inflection, and the copula ki in non-locative NVP constructions.

Abstract

This chapter provides an overview of non-verbal predication (NVP) in the languages of the Zaparoan family, a small group of highly endangered languages of northwestern Peruvian Amazonia and eastern Ecuador. We provide a detailed description of NVP in Iquito, the sole language for which we have ample information, followed by briefer descriptions of NVP in Arabela and Sápara, the two other Zaparoan languages for which some data and descriptive materials are available. In all three languages, NVP constructions employ multiple strategies, with a major split between locative predication constructions, on the one hand, and other types of NVP, on the other. Locative predication constructions are most similar across the family, employing cognate locative copulas: Iquito iíkìL, Arabela ki, and Sápara iki. In each language, the locative copula is one function of a polyfunctional verbal element that inflects for TAME like typical lexical verbs in the language. The strategies used for non-locative NVP are less similar. Iquito exhibits a contrast between irrealis and realis copula constructions, the former of which employs a polyfunctional element kuúkìL, and the latter of which employs a dedicated copula that exhibits three allomorphs: Htìì, taáLL, and ta. 20th century Sápara exhibited a copula, ta, that is cognate with one of the allomorphs of the Iquito standard copula, but in 21st century Sápara, the locative copula of 20th century Sápara, iki, has subsumed all copula functions. Arabela diverges from its sister languages in exhibiting no standard copula and deploying juxtaposition, Subtype IIIa predicative inflection, and the copula ki in non-locative NVP constructions.

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Frontmatter I
  2. List of the Authors V
  3. Acknowledgments
  4. Contents IX
  5. Part I: Setting the stage
  6. 1 Non-verbal predication: An analytical framework 1
  7. 2 A diachronic view on non-verbal predication 57
  8. 3 Crucial issues in non-verbal predication: A questionnaire 87
  9. Part II: Case studies
  10. 4 Non-verbal predication in Caijia and Waxiang: A Southeast Asian perspective 91
  11. 5 Non-verbal predication in Siyuewu Khroskyabs 129
  12. 6 Non-verbal predication in Uralic 155
  13. 7 Non-verbal predication in Turkic languages 195
  14. 8 Non-verbal predication in the so-called Paleosiberian languages 239
  15. 9 Non-verbal predication in Tungusic languages 275
  16. North America
  17. 10 Non-verbal predication in the Yupik-Inuktitut-Unangan (Eskimo-Aleut) family 313
  18. 11 Non-verbal predication in Western Apache (Athabaskan/Dene), with comparisons to Hän Athabaskan 353
  19. 12 Non-verbal predication in Algonquian languages 385
  20. 13 Non-verbal predication in Lushootseed (Salishan) 429
  21. 14 Non-verbal predication in Uto-Aztecan languages from northwestern Mexico 463
  22. South America
  23. 15 Verbless clauses and copula clauses in Arawak languages 505
  24. 16 Non-verbal predication in Tupian, especially Tupí-Guaraní languages 541
  25. 17 Non-verbal predication in Zaparoan languages 581
  26. 18 Non-verbal predication in Chicham 625
  27. 19 Non-verbal predication in the Pano languages of Western Amazonia 653
  28. 20 Non-verbal predication in Guaycuruan and Mataguayan 697
  29. 21 Non-verbal predication in Old Zamuco 743
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110730982-017

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Frontmatter I
  2. List of the Authors V
  3. Acknowledgments
  4. Contents IX
  5. Part I: Setting the stage
  6. 1 Non-verbal predication: An analytical framework 1
  7. 2 A diachronic view on non-verbal predication 57
  8. 3 Crucial issues in non-verbal predication: A questionnaire 87
  9. Part II: Case studies
  10. 4 Non-verbal predication in Caijia and Waxiang: A Southeast Asian perspective 91
  11. 5 Non-verbal predication in Siyuewu Khroskyabs 129
  12. 6 Non-verbal predication in Uralic 155
  13. 7 Non-verbal predication in Turkic languages 195
  14. 8 Non-verbal predication in the so-called Paleosiberian languages 239
  15. 9 Non-verbal predication in Tungusic languages 275
  16. North America
  17. 10 Non-verbal predication in the Yupik-Inuktitut-Unangan (Eskimo-Aleut) family 313
  18. 11 Non-verbal predication in Western Apache (Athabaskan/Dene), with comparisons to Hän Athabaskan 353
  19. 12 Non-verbal predication in Algonquian languages 385
  20. 13 Non-verbal predication in Lushootseed (Salishan) 429
  21. 14 Non-verbal predication in Uto-Aztecan languages from northwestern Mexico 463
  22. South America
  23. 15 Verbless clauses and copula clauses in Arawak languages 505
  24. 16 Non-verbal predication in Tupian, especially Tupí-Guaraní languages 541
  25. 17 Non-verbal predication in Zaparoan languages 581
  26. 18 Non-verbal predication in Chicham 625
  27. 19 Non-verbal predication in the Pano languages of Western Amazonia 653
  28. 20 Non-verbal predication in Guaycuruan and Mataguayan 697
  29. 21 Non-verbal predication in Old Zamuco 743
Jetzt anmelden und 20% sparen
Institutioneller Zugang
Wie funktioniert Authentifizierung?
Haben Sie eine Idee, wie wir unsere Website verbessern können?
Bitte schreiben Sie uns.
© 2025 De Gruyter Brill
Heruntergeladen am 14.11.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110730982-017/html?lang=de
Button zum nach oben scrollen