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Explaining Pictures
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Translations throughout the text are the author’s unless otherwise stated.introduction1.William E. Deal, “Buddhism and the State in Early Japan,” in Buddhism in Practice,ed. Donald S. Lopez Jr. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 216 –227.2.Victor Mair, Painting and Performance(Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1988).3.Kuroda Toshio, Nihon chusei no kokka to shukyo(Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1975).Kuroda’s work has greatly influenced historians of religion. One of his major contribu-tions is his reconsideration of political authority in the Kamakura period: Kuroda recog-nized the active participation of the aristocratic (imperial) court in politics throughoutthe medieval period. See also James H. Foard, “In Search of a Lost Reformation: A Reconsideration of Kamakura Buddhism,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies7(4) (Dec.1980): 261–291.4.James C. Dobbins, “Envisioning Kamakura Buddhism,” in Re-Visioning “Kamakura”Buddhism,ed. Richard K. Payne (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998), 27.5.Ibid., 25.6.Some scholars, including Yoshida Kazuhiko, argue that Buddhism had alreadybeen spread not only to the common people but also throughout the country based onthe tales compiled in the Heian literature, such as the Nihon ryoikiby Kyokai. See YoshidaKazuhiko, “‘Nihon ryoiki’ o daizai ni,” in Nihon shi no naka no josei to Bukkyo, ed. ShinshuBunka Kenkyujo (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1999), 48–85. Kyokai records many fantastic Buddhiststories that were “reported” from the commoner class living in the countryside far fromNara and Kyoto. Although it may seem that Buddhism had been disseminated through all classes of people, I believe the reverse is true. Kyokai intended to create the illusionthat Buddhism had already been spread nationwide.7.Luis Frois, Tratado em que se contem muito susintae abreviadamente algumas contradições e diferenças de custumes entre a gente de Europa e esta provincia de Japão(1585). For a Japanesetranslation see Matsuda Kiichi and E Yorissen, Furoisu no Nihon oboegaki: Nihon to Yoroppano fushuno chigai(Tokyo: ChuoKoronsha, 1983).8.In medieval Japan, using the same appellation for both the profession and the per-former was a common characteristicas, for example, shirabyoshi(dance/dancer ormusic/musician), sumo(wrestling/wrestler), or bakuchi(gambling/gambler).Notes197
© University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu

Translations throughout the text are the author’s unless otherwise stated.introduction1.William E. Deal, “Buddhism and the State in Early Japan,” in Buddhism in Practice,ed. Donald S. Lopez Jr. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 216 –227.2.Victor Mair, Painting and Performance(Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1988).3.Kuroda Toshio, Nihon chusei no kokka to shukyo(Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1975).Kuroda’s work has greatly influenced historians of religion. One of his major contribu-tions is his reconsideration of political authority in the Kamakura period: Kuroda recog-nized the active participation of the aristocratic (imperial) court in politics throughoutthe medieval period. See also James H. Foard, “In Search of a Lost Reformation: A Reconsideration of Kamakura Buddhism,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies7(4) (Dec.1980): 261–291.4.James C. Dobbins, “Envisioning Kamakura Buddhism,” in Re-Visioning “Kamakura”Buddhism,ed. Richard K. Payne (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1998), 27.5.Ibid., 25.6.Some scholars, including Yoshida Kazuhiko, argue that Buddhism had alreadybeen spread not only to the common people but also throughout the country based onthe tales compiled in the Heian literature, such as the Nihon ryoikiby Kyokai. See YoshidaKazuhiko, “‘Nihon ryoiki’ o daizai ni,” in Nihon shi no naka no josei to Bukkyo, ed. ShinshuBunka Kenkyujo (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1999), 48–85. Kyokai records many fantastic Buddhiststories that were “reported” from the commoner class living in the countryside far fromNara and Kyoto. Although it may seem that Buddhism had been disseminated through all classes of people, I believe the reverse is true. Kyokai intended to create the illusionthat Buddhism had already been spread nationwide.7.Luis Frois, Tratado em que se contem muito susintae abreviadamente algumas contradições e diferenças de custumes entre a gente de Europa e esta provincia de Japão(1585). For a Japanesetranslation see Matsuda Kiichi and E Yorissen, Furoisu no Nihon oboegaki: Nihon to Yoroppano fushuno chigai(Tokyo: ChuoKoronsha, 1983).8.In medieval Japan, using the same appellation for both the profession and the per-former was a common characteristicas, for example, shirabyoshi(dance/dancer ormusic/musician), sumo(wrestling/wrestler), or bakuchi(gambling/gambler).Notes197
© University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu

Chapters in this book

  1. Frontmatter i
  2. Contents vii
  3. Acknowledgments ix
  4. Introduction 1
  5. Part One The Early Practice of Etoki (late 10th–mid-12th centuries)
  6. 1. Etoki in History 19
  7. 2. Deciphering the Founder of Japanese Buddhism 31
  8. Part Two Pure Land Buddhism and Etoki (late 12th–14th centuries)
  9. 3. Deciphering Pure Land Imagery 57
  10. 4. Etoki as a Pure Land Method of Proselytization 74
  11. Part Three Images of Itinerant Etoki (14th–16th centuries)
  12. 5. Itinerant Etoki: Solicitors of Buddhism 103
  13. 6. Deciphering the Quasi-Religious Etoki Performer 119
  14. Part Four Women and Sacred Mountains (17th–19th centuries)
  15. 7. Kumano Images and Propaganda for Women 137
  16. 8. Deciphering Mountain Worship 165
  17. Conclusion 193
  18. Notes 197
  19. Bibliography 225
  20. Index 241
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