Home Linguistics & Semiotics Negative concord in Medieval Greek: lexical asymmetry and the role of correlative negation
Chapter
Licensed
Unlicensed Requires Authentication

Negative concord in Medieval Greek: lexical asymmetry and the role of correlative negation

  • Nikos Liosis
Become an author with De Gruyter Brill
Negative Concord: A Hundred Years On
This chapter is in the book Negative Concord: A Hundred Years On

Abstract

Although the evolution of negated indefinite constructions in the history of the Greek language has been extensively studied, the data from Medieval Greek remain largely untapped. During this period, there is extensive variation in the mechanisms expressing the negative meaning of the clause that leads to optional distributional and lexical asymmetries, the origin of which can be traced back to much earlier stages of the language. This chapter particularly focuses on the role of οὐδέ oudé / uðé ‘neither, not even’ as correlative negation and as a scalar adverb or prefix that leads to the continuous renewal of available negative concord items, parallel to the competing morpheme καν- kan- ‘even’, thereby complicating the characterization of Medieval Greek as a strict negative concord language.

Abstract

Although the evolution of negated indefinite constructions in the history of the Greek language has been extensively studied, the data from Medieval Greek remain largely untapped. During this period, there is extensive variation in the mechanisms expressing the negative meaning of the clause that leads to optional distributional and lexical asymmetries, the origin of which can be traced back to much earlier stages of the language. This chapter particularly focuses on the role of οὐδέ oudé / uðé ‘neither, not even’ as correlative negation and as a scalar adverb or prefix that leads to the continuous renewal of available negative concord items, parallel to the competing morpheme καν- kan- ‘even’, thereby complicating the characterization of Medieval Greek as a strict negative concord language.

Downloaded on 7.12.2025 from https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783111202273-008/html
Scroll to top button