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Non-strict negative concord: a correlate of focus movement?

  • Pierre Larrivée
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Negative Concord: A Hundred Years On
This chapter is in the book Negative Concord: A Hundred Years On

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to assess a potential correlate for non-strict negative concord. The pattern, known to be exemplified by Italian, is one by which n-words (such as nothing, nobody, never) concord with the clausal negator when post-verbal, but do not when pre-verbal. The typological survey that we report on focuses on languages where the pattern is compulsory rather than simply possible: with a requirement of post-verbal concord, and a ban of pre-verbal concord. The results are that such patterns are actually exceedingly rare across languages of the world, restricted to Romance and Kartvelian. We propose that the relevant languages are characterised by the possibility of overt Focus movement. The speculation is that such movement acts as a cue for compulsory non-strict negative concord, as both relate to syntactic agreement.

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to assess a potential correlate for non-strict negative concord. The pattern, known to be exemplified by Italian, is one by which n-words (such as nothing, nobody, never) concord with the clausal negator when post-verbal, but do not when pre-verbal. The typological survey that we report on focuses on languages where the pattern is compulsory rather than simply possible: with a requirement of post-verbal concord, and a ban of pre-verbal concord. The results are that such patterns are actually exceedingly rare across languages of the world, restricted to Romance and Kartvelian. We propose that the relevant languages are characterised by the possibility of overt Focus movement. The speculation is that such movement acts as a cue for compulsory non-strict negative concord, as both relate to syntactic agreement.

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